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"The Dally Collegian" February 6, 1978 Commentary — The Panama Canal: - . Can you give away stolen property? by Bruce Scott Editor Senator S.I. Hayakawa, In one of bis rare momentsofwakefulness.utteredthe somewhat facetious statement that the United States should keep the Panama Canal because we "stole It fair and Well', he was partially right. We did steal It. The vision of an isthmian canal connecting the Atlantic and Pacific waters was one that had captivated men for centuries. In the nineteenth century, concession after concession was granted by Columbia and Nicaragua to one company after another, formed to build the canal. Only one of these companies, the New Panama Canal Company, actually began construction on the waterway. They abandoned their attempt in 188"!, convinced that the canal could not be built within a time-limit and at a cost they could afford. In 1884, the United States signed a treaty with the Central American Republic or Nicaragua. The United States was to construct the canal, at no cost to Nicaragua; the canal was to be jointly ownod by the two. This treaty, however, failed to be ratified by the Senate. In a speech given to Congress in December of 1898, President William McKinley stated that, because of the annexation of Hawaii (itself a ratber questionable action), it was a necessity tint America build a "maritime highway" as quickly as possible. There were two things that stood In the way of the "highway" —the choice of Nicaragua or Panama, and the Clay- ton-Bulwer Treaty of 1850 with Great Britain. The treaty prohibited colonization of Central America. It further!specified that, should a transoceanic passageway be constructed in Central America, It would be a neutral, international water- Britain was involved with the Boer Wax and, needing aU tbe friends it could get, was quite amenable to Secretary of State John Hays' efforts to renegotiate the Clayton-Bulwer Treatv. The new treaty, permitting the United States to build and defend the canal, breezed through the Senate, 72 to 6. With the obstructing treaty effectively removed and President Theodore ("Rough Rider") Roosevelt In office, all that remained was to choose the route of the canal: Nicaragua or Pan- The Nlcaraguan route had the advantage that tbe canal could be built at sea level. Senator John T. Morgan from Alabama advocated this route, since it would be closer to Southern Arguing for Panama were Philippe Bunau-Varllla, the Frenchman who bad been chief engineer for the New Panama Canal Company, and William N. Crom- wpII, attorney for tbe Wall Street firm ' of Sullivan and Cromwell. Trie Panamanian route had three advantages. For one thing, part of the digging had already been completed. Also, passage through it would take only 12 hours, whereas tbe Nlcaraguan route would take 33. Its third advantage, which-proved to be particularly Important, was Cromwell's advocacy of It. Cromwell was a friend of Senator Mark Hanna and other Republican power- wlelders. Tbe Panamanian route's chief disadvantages were the New Panama Canal Company's Insistence on being paid$109 million for its concession there and negotiating difficulties with Columbia, of which Panama was a province. In January, 1902, the U.S. House of Representatives voted for Nicaragua. Bunau-Varllla and Cromwell, aided Immeasurably by Senator Hanna,launched a vitrollc campaign to discredit the Nlcaraguan route. They charged that earthquakes and volcanoes made the country unsafe for such a venture. They were colncMentally aided in their efforts by Nicaragua—which Issued a postage stamp bearlngasmoklngvolcano (that Bunau-Varllla bad placed on-the senators' desks)--and by Mother Nature, who provided Nicaragua with both a volcanic eruption and an earthquake. Hays Immediately began negotiations with Thomas Herran, Columbian ambassador to the United states.' The Hay-Terran Treaty resulted shortly thereafter. Tbe treaty provided for tbe leasing of tbe canal sib) A number of wharves near tbe proposed route of tbe canal —which would nave passed through Lake Nlcargua— were destroyed. To provide even further Incentive, Bunau-Varllla and Cromwell lowered New Panama Canal Company's asking price to $40 million. The Senate took note of these porten- tlous signs and approved the Panamanian route on June 19, 1902. The House did a quick reverse, agreeing with their and an Isthmus zone six miles vide, for which rights tbe United States agreed to pay $io million "down" and $250,000 year "rent," said rent to begin nine years later. Tbe Hay-TerranTreatvaUoprechxW Columbia from negotiating with the Net Panama Canal Company for part ot lis $40 million, Illustrating Congressional concern for the fortunes of private enterprise. (Plea It 5) Carter ignores Panama's financial problems by Donald M. Rothberg a classic case history to the enduring troubles betwt Carter and Congress. There was Carter sitting 1 I House library. to Rive a sales pitch for supporters of the agree- to accept. VOUlL rJOTlce. THAT fVE BROUGHT EVERYONE TOGETHER - JD&T A UKe | PROMISED/ gptjjgsgj TheNformer California governor lost it fathered a controversy that has. produced a torrent of rhetoric and put Panama at the top of senator- Carter characterized the opposition to the two treaties which deal with transfer of control of the canal to Panama and Its continuing neutrality as "based tfeo." /He went on to say he wanted to ai "the most common questions about the treaties." Then he glossed over the economic questions that have moved to forerront of the debate. Only hours before Carter's speech, the Senate Armed Services Committee listened to testimony questioning the administration claim that the treaties would cost the American taxpayers nothing. "Under the new treaties payments to Panama will come from tolls paid by ships which use the canal," said Car- Not so, said Sen. Howard H. Baker Jr. of Tennessee, the Senate Republican leader whose support Is essential for mustering the two-thirds majority needed for Senate approval. Um that It's not going to cost the taxpayers anything Is simply wrong," said Baker. a lot gentler on the Issue than such hard-line opponents as Rep.- Philip Crane, R-llL, who cited sties a Civil Service Commission estimate that turn-over of : to Panama will precipitate early retirement by many U.S. employees of the waterway at a cost of about $135 Crane had a lot of other examples to cite. Including the cjSt of relocating American troops and of training Panamanians to operate the waterway. But. more far reaching than Crane's questions were those raised repeatedly .by senators who visited Panama recently and returned with strong doubts about Panamanian resolve to use revenues for malntalnence and capital lm- They also came back to Washington unconvinced that the United States wool be forced one day to provide financial help to Panama to prevent the canil operation from sinking close to bankruptcy. They may be wrong; their doubts roij be unfounded. But the president choM to Ignore thsm rather than answer theo. He used the same approach In dealing with tie questions of .U.S. right to Intervene to keep the canal open ml the right of U.S. warships to prloritj passage through the waterway lr •"* emergency. Both Issues were dealt with statement issued In October by Cirttr and Gen. Omar Torrljos, the P Ian leader. Tbe wording affli U.S. rights in both matters. But'it's clear that Senate approni Is Impossible without that languagebeW Incorporated Into the agreement, «» that Is what will happen early In tt« But Carter Ignored left many senators with the Impress!* he was adhering to a hard line posltW that the treaties should not be amendrf, even In a'way that Is agreeabta » the Torrljos government. Those omissions ruffled feelings ratter than answered questions. One ott« last-minute omission prevented a diner ent sort of flap. Carter's original text Included a reference to the fact that both Baker »» Senate Democratic Leader Robert Cj Byrd were supporting the *r**®r/t was deleted minutes before the spe*^ when Carter aides realized no cleared It with the two "The Dally Collegian" Panama Canal -Commentary (Continued from page 4) The Columbian Senate In Bogota was outraged by these conditions and vetoed twreaty, 24 to 0. •ijbe United States was not In the mood ■^accept such Independence from a banana republic. President Roosevelt had often been beard to slate be would show "those Dagoes that they will have to behave decently." Infuriated, Roosevelt belittled tbe ■contemptible little creatures In Bogota" for standing In the way of pro-' gress. The nation's press foretold tbe future with surprising -accuracy. The Indianapolis "Sentinel" suggested, "The simplest plan of coercing Columbia would be inciting a revolution In Panama. .. and supporting the insurrectionary government." The "Sentinel" was reflecting national opinion. Roosevelt*s first draft of his 1903 State of tbe Union address included tbe suggestion that Panama be seized by force. The passage was stricken from his speech at the last mlnnte, however. As it turned "out, the United States did not have to Incite revolution In Panama. Private Industry beat tbem to the On November 3, 1903, tbe province of Panama declared Its independence The push tor Independence began In the back rooms of tbe Panama Railroad, a subsidiary of tbe New Panama Canal Company. Encouraged by Cromwell and funded to tbe tune of $100,000 - by Bunau-Varilla, 500 mercenaries and 441 members of the Panamanian fire department seized control of the province. Although Roosevelt denied that any American official "bad any part In preparing, Inciting, or encouraging tbe revolution," Secretary Hay bad written tbe President months earlier, suggesting intervention should revolution breakout. Cotocidentally, perhaps (but not likely), the American navy bad been ordered to proceed to both sides of tbe Isthmus tbe day before the revolution. When 400 Columbian troops arrived Nov. 3 to put down the Insurrection, tbe officers were bought off with funds supplied by Bunau-Varllla. Tbe U.S. navy arrived shortly thereafter and prevented Columbia from sending further forces. To Justify its action, the VS. State Department quoted a treaty, signed In New Granada, Columbia, In 1846, guaranteeing tbe UjS. tbe "right of way across the Isthmus of Panama." How this applied to tbe situation at hand - the sending of ships to support insurrectionists— was not then, nor Is It now, particularly clear. Columbia belatedly accepted the Hay- Terran Treaty, asking only that Columbian troops be allowed to deal with the "revolution" in Panama. Rather than accept this offer, Roosevelt formally received the new minister of Panama who, strangely enough, was named Philippe Bunau-Varilla. |GENO'S Sandwiches & Pizza v SPECIAL! $2.00 off any Extra Large Pizza eafen on premises(reg.price $3.99) 1615 E Ashlan at Blaclcstone phone 227-1812 Piccadilly Square phone 225-1383 BAG-UP with BEST-SELLING PAPERBACKS Close Encounters of the Third Kind Coma: A Novel Your Erroneous Zones The Crash of '79 Passages Changing The Book of Lists Trinity The Hobblt Looking for Mr. Goodbar Saturday Night Live Treasures of Tutankhamun The Shining The Sllmartlilon (hard- cover) Dynasty (hardcover) All Things Wise and Wonder nil (hardcover)' Looking Out for «1 (hard- cover) KENNEL BOOKSTORE ~s».m.-ip.m. 111. a I» M.M.I.M.tttl t.M IXM.M I.UI 11111 The treaty negotiatedbySecretary Hay and Bunau-Varilla deeded the Canal Zone, now ten miles wide rather than six, to the United States for tbe remainder oftbeWOO's. Although there was some opposition to this brigandage (the "Nation", for example, stated that "even tbe buccaneers who sailed tbe Spanish Main would have found It too much for them"), the majority of tbe press and public hailed it as a brilliant coup. Being out front about the matter, the Detroit "News" sald,"Let us not be mealy-mouthed about this. We want Tbe current treaty, negotiated before the Panamanian government became a "real" one, expires in the year 2000. And Roosevelt Is no longer around to put "those' Dagoes" to their place. Instead, President Jimmy Carter, alleged champion of human rights, is in the opportune position to champion the rights of the Panamanians. Whether be will do so depends to a large extent on tbe American people's desire for the canal. . Americans are somewhat schizophrenic. We're tbe "disposable society," tossing out objects for which we have no further use. We are also pack, rats, boarding things which we might find a use for. Publishing (Continued Irom page I) Iosln'. They feel they can have a better advantage In being downtrodden; therefore they' can fleece the guilty public or somebody, than to do things, to build things." Regardless of the outcome In the courts, Reed andtherechrlstenedY'Blrd. are likely to remain winners In their literary efforts. " Random House has published Reed's latest book, "Flight to Canada," and proceeds from the novel will help fl- With tbe transition from an age when maritime defense was a necessity to one whereto nuclear bombs can obviate any other defense, tbe Panama Canal no longer seems quite so vital. But Teddy Roosevelt's progenitors still want to bold onto the canal. After all, they argue, we "stole It fair and square." Didn't we? For additional information, see: Sidney Lens, "The Forging of tbe American Empire," Thomas Y, Crowell Company, 1974; Charles Beard, "The Idea of National Interest," Quadrangle Paperbacks, 1966; Foster Dulles, "America's Rise to World Power, 1898- 1354," Harper Torchbooks, 1963; Graham Stuart, "Latin America and the United States," Appleton-Ceniury- Croft, 1955; U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations report, Oct 4 & 5. 1977, Part II. i Correction—1 Due to a production error, we identified Mark Eversole in a picture on the front page. The Bulldog players were were Art Williams (32)and Kenny Barnes (54). Tbe Collegian staff regrets this nance "YTMrd," a new thrice-yearly magazine anthology where Reed plans to showcase multicultural writing. "I think we're one of the few companies doing this. There are some other black companies, but many people limit themselves. You publish just experimental work, or Just Mack or Latino, you limit' yourself. I think It's good sense to do what we're >olng. Someone can pick up our stuff and get the full diversity of American culture." Imagine your life hangs by a thread. Imagine your body hangs by a wire. Imagine you're not imagining. .MARTIN ERUCHMAN*— .MIIMlCRICHTi^ GBIWrJBIJJfllD-MllMDGIM ;C0MA" EUZABEIH ASHIfY-RIPTDW-RICHAraW!^ K^ SEE, COMING TO A THEATRE NEAR YOU!
Object Description
Title | 1978_02 The Daily Collegian February 1978 |
Alternative Title | Daily Collegian (California State University, Fresno) |
Publisher | Associated Students of Fresno State, Fresno, Calif. |
Publication Date | 1978 |
Description | Daily (except weekends) during the school year. Microfilm. Palo Alto, Calif. |
Subject | California State University, Fresno -- Periodicals |
Contributors | Associated Students of Fresno State. |
Coverage | Vol.1, no.1 (Feb 8, 1922)- to present |
Format | Microfilm reels, 35mm. |
Technical Information | Scanned at 600 dpi; TIFF; Microfilm ScanPro 2000 "E-image data" |
Language | eng |
Description
Title | Feb 6, 1978 Pg. 4-5 |
Alternative Title | Daily Collegian (California State University, Fresno) |
Publisher | Associated Students of Fresno State, Fresno, Calif. |
Publication Date | 1978 |
Description | Daily (except weekends) during the school year. Microfilm. Palo Alto, Calif. |
Subject | California State University, Fresno -- Periodicals |
Contributors | Associated Students of Fresno State. |
Coverage | Vol.1, no.1 (Feb 8, 1922)- to present |
Format | Microfilm reels, 35mm. |
Technical Information | Scanned at 600 dpi; TIFF; Microfilm ScanPro 2000 "E-image data" |
Language | eng |
Full-Text-Search | "The Dally Collegian" February 6, 1978 Commentary — The Panama Canal: - . Can you give away stolen property? by Bruce Scott Editor Senator S.I. Hayakawa, In one of bis rare momentsofwakefulness.utteredthe somewhat facetious statement that the United States should keep the Panama Canal because we "stole It fair and Well', he was partially right. We did steal It. The vision of an isthmian canal connecting the Atlantic and Pacific waters was one that had captivated men for centuries. In the nineteenth century, concession after concession was granted by Columbia and Nicaragua to one company after another, formed to build the canal. Only one of these companies, the New Panama Canal Company, actually began construction on the waterway. They abandoned their attempt in 188"!, convinced that the canal could not be built within a time-limit and at a cost they could afford. In 1884, the United States signed a treaty with the Central American Republic or Nicaragua. The United States was to construct the canal, at no cost to Nicaragua; the canal was to be jointly ownod by the two. This treaty, however, failed to be ratified by the Senate. In a speech given to Congress in December of 1898, President William McKinley stated that, because of the annexation of Hawaii (itself a ratber questionable action), it was a necessity tint America build a "maritime highway" as quickly as possible. There were two things that stood In the way of the "highway" —the choice of Nicaragua or Panama, and the Clay- ton-Bulwer Treaty of 1850 with Great Britain. The treaty prohibited colonization of Central America. It further!specified that, should a transoceanic passageway be constructed in Central America, It would be a neutral, international water- Britain was involved with the Boer Wax and, needing aU tbe friends it could get, was quite amenable to Secretary of State John Hays' efforts to renegotiate the Clayton-Bulwer Treatv. The new treaty, permitting the United States to build and defend the canal, breezed through the Senate, 72 to 6. With the obstructing treaty effectively removed and President Theodore ("Rough Rider") Roosevelt In office, all that remained was to choose the route of the canal: Nicaragua or Pan- The Nlcaraguan route had the advantage that tbe canal could be built at sea level. Senator John T. Morgan from Alabama advocated this route, since it would be closer to Southern Arguing for Panama were Philippe Bunau-Varllla, the Frenchman who bad been chief engineer for the New Panama Canal Company, and William N. Crom- wpII, attorney for tbe Wall Street firm ' of Sullivan and Cromwell. Trie Panamanian route had three advantages. For one thing, part of the digging had already been completed. Also, passage through it would take only 12 hours, whereas tbe Nlcaraguan route would take 33. Its third advantage, which-proved to be particularly Important, was Cromwell's advocacy of It. Cromwell was a friend of Senator Mark Hanna and other Republican power- wlelders. Tbe Panamanian route's chief disadvantages were the New Panama Canal Company's Insistence on being paid$109 million for its concession there and negotiating difficulties with Columbia, of which Panama was a province. In January, 1902, the U.S. House of Representatives voted for Nicaragua. Bunau-Varllla and Cromwell, aided Immeasurably by Senator Hanna,launched a vitrollc campaign to discredit the Nlcaraguan route. They charged that earthquakes and volcanoes made the country unsafe for such a venture. They were colncMentally aided in their efforts by Nicaragua—which Issued a postage stamp bearlngasmoklngvolcano (that Bunau-Varllla bad placed on-the senators' desks)--and by Mother Nature, who provided Nicaragua with both a volcanic eruption and an earthquake. Hays Immediately began negotiations with Thomas Herran, Columbian ambassador to the United states.' The Hay-Terran Treaty resulted shortly thereafter. Tbe treaty provided for tbe leasing of tbe canal sib) A number of wharves near tbe proposed route of tbe canal —which would nave passed through Lake Nlcargua— were destroyed. To provide even further Incentive, Bunau-Varllla and Cromwell lowered New Panama Canal Company's asking price to $40 million. The Senate took note of these porten- tlous signs and approved the Panamanian route on June 19, 1902. The House did a quick reverse, agreeing with their and an Isthmus zone six miles vide, for which rights tbe United States agreed to pay $io million "down" and $250,000 year "rent," said rent to begin nine years later. Tbe Hay-TerranTreatvaUoprechxW Columbia from negotiating with the Net Panama Canal Company for part ot lis $40 million, Illustrating Congressional concern for the fortunes of private enterprise. (Plea It 5) Carter ignores Panama's financial problems by Donald M. Rothberg a classic case history to the enduring troubles betwt Carter and Congress. There was Carter sitting 1 I House library. to Rive a sales pitch for supporters of the agree- to accept. VOUlL rJOTlce. THAT fVE BROUGHT EVERYONE TOGETHER - JD&T A UKe | PROMISED/ gptjjgsgj TheNformer California governor lost it fathered a controversy that has. produced a torrent of rhetoric and put Panama at the top of senator- Carter characterized the opposition to the two treaties which deal with transfer of control of the canal to Panama and Its continuing neutrality as "based tfeo." /He went on to say he wanted to ai "the most common questions about the treaties." Then he glossed over the economic questions that have moved to forerront of the debate. Only hours before Carter's speech, the Senate Armed Services Committee listened to testimony questioning the administration claim that the treaties would cost the American taxpayers nothing. "Under the new treaties payments to Panama will come from tolls paid by ships which use the canal," said Car- Not so, said Sen. Howard H. Baker Jr. of Tennessee, the Senate Republican leader whose support Is essential for mustering the two-thirds majority needed for Senate approval. Um that It's not going to cost the taxpayers anything Is simply wrong," said Baker. a lot gentler on the Issue than such hard-line opponents as Rep.- Philip Crane, R-llL, who cited sties a Civil Service Commission estimate that turn-over of : to Panama will precipitate early retirement by many U.S. employees of the waterway at a cost of about $135 Crane had a lot of other examples to cite. Including the cjSt of relocating American troops and of training Panamanians to operate the waterway. But. more far reaching than Crane's questions were those raised repeatedly .by senators who visited Panama recently and returned with strong doubts about Panamanian resolve to use revenues for malntalnence and capital lm- They also came back to Washington unconvinced that the United States wool be forced one day to provide financial help to Panama to prevent the canil operation from sinking close to bankruptcy. They may be wrong; their doubts roij be unfounded. But the president choM to Ignore thsm rather than answer theo. He used the same approach In dealing with tie questions of .U.S. right to Intervene to keep the canal open ml the right of U.S. warships to prloritj passage through the waterway lr •"* emergency. Both Issues were dealt with statement issued In October by Cirttr and Gen. Omar Torrljos, the P Ian leader. Tbe wording affli U.S. rights in both matters. But'it's clear that Senate approni Is Impossible without that languagebeW Incorporated Into the agreement, «» that Is what will happen early In tt« But Carter Ignored left many senators with the Impress!* he was adhering to a hard line posltW that the treaties should not be amendrf, even In a'way that Is agreeabta » the Torrljos government. Those omissions ruffled feelings ratter than answered questions. One ott« last-minute omission prevented a diner ent sort of flap. Carter's original text Included a reference to the fact that both Baker »» Senate Democratic Leader Robert Cj Byrd were supporting the *r**®r/t was deleted minutes before the spe*^ when Carter aides realized no cleared It with the two "The Dally Collegian" Panama Canal -Commentary (Continued from page 4) The Columbian Senate In Bogota was outraged by these conditions and vetoed twreaty, 24 to 0. •ijbe United States was not In the mood ■^accept such Independence from a banana republic. President Roosevelt had often been beard to slate be would show "those Dagoes that they will have to behave decently." Infuriated, Roosevelt belittled tbe ■contemptible little creatures In Bogota" for standing In the way of pro-' gress. The nation's press foretold tbe future with surprising -accuracy. The Indianapolis "Sentinel" suggested, "The simplest plan of coercing Columbia would be inciting a revolution In Panama. .. and supporting the insurrectionary government." The "Sentinel" was reflecting national opinion. Roosevelt*s first draft of his 1903 State of tbe Union address included tbe suggestion that Panama be seized by force. The passage was stricken from his speech at the last mlnnte, however. As it turned "out, the United States did not have to Incite revolution In Panama. Private Industry beat tbem to the On November 3, 1903, tbe province of Panama declared Its independence The push tor Independence began In the back rooms of tbe Panama Railroad, a subsidiary of tbe New Panama Canal Company. Encouraged by Cromwell and funded to tbe tune of $100,000 - by Bunau-Varilla, 500 mercenaries and 441 members of the Panamanian fire department seized control of the province. Although Roosevelt denied that any American official "bad any part In preparing, Inciting, or encouraging tbe revolution," Secretary Hay bad written tbe President months earlier, suggesting intervention should revolution breakout. Cotocidentally, perhaps (but not likely), the American navy bad been ordered to proceed to both sides of tbe Isthmus tbe day before the revolution. When 400 Columbian troops arrived Nov. 3 to put down the Insurrection, tbe officers were bought off with funds supplied by Bunau-Varllla. Tbe U.S. navy arrived shortly thereafter and prevented Columbia from sending further forces. To Justify its action, the VS. State Department quoted a treaty, signed In New Granada, Columbia, In 1846, guaranteeing tbe UjS. tbe "right of way across the Isthmus of Panama." How this applied to tbe situation at hand - the sending of ships to support insurrectionists— was not then, nor Is It now, particularly clear. Columbia belatedly accepted the Hay- Terran Treaty, asking only that Columbian troops be allowed to deal with the "revolution" in Panama. Rather than accept this offer, Roosevelt formally received the new minister of Panama who, strangely enough, was named Philippe Bunau-Varilla. |GENO'S Sandwiches & Pizza v SPECIAL! $2.00 off any Extra Large Pizza eafen on premises(reg.price $3.99) 1615 E Ashlan at Blaclcstone phone 227-1812 Piccadilly Square phone 225-1383 BAG-UP with BEST-SELLING PAPERBACKS Close Encounters of the Third Kind Coma: A Novel Your Erroneous Zones The Crash of '79 Passages Changing The Book of Lists Trinity The Hobblt Looking for Mr. Goodbar Saturday Night Live Treasures of Tutankhamun The Shining The Sllmartlilon (hard- cover) Dynasty (hardcover) All Things Wise and Wonder nil (hardcover)' Looking Out for «1 (hard- cover) KENNEL BOOKSTORE ~s».m.-ip.m. 111. a I» M.M.I.M.tttl t.M IXM.M I.UI 11111 The treaty negotiatedbySecretary Hay and Bunau-Varilla deeded the Canal Zone, now ten miles wide rather than six, to the United States for tbe remainder oftbeWOO's. Although there was some opposition to this brigandage (the "Nation", for example, stated that "even tbe buccaneers who sailed tbe Spanish Main would have found It too much for them"), the majority of tbe press and public hailed it as a brilliant coup. Being out front about the matter, the Detroit "News" sald,"Let us not be mealy-mouthed about this. We want Tbe current treaty, negotiated before the Panamanian government became a "real" one, expires in the year 2000. And Roosevelt Is no longer around to put "those' Dagoes" to their place. Instead, President Jimmy Carter, alleged champion of human rights, is in the opportune position to champion the rights of the Panamanians. Whether be will do so depends to a large extent on tbe American people's desire for the canal. . Americans are somewhat schizophrenic. We're tbe "disposable society," tossing out objects for which we have no further use. We are also pack, rats, boarding things which we might find a use for. Publishing (Continued Irom page I) Iosln'. They feel they can have a better advantage In being downtrodden; therefore they' can fleece the guilty public or somebody, than to do things, to build things." Regardless of the outcome In the courts, Reed andtherechrlstenedY'Blrd. are likely to remain winners In their literary efforts. " Random House has published Reed's latest book, "Flight to Canada," and proceeds from the novel will help fl- With tbe transition from an age when maritime defense was a necessity to one whereto nuclear bombs can obviate any other defense, tbe Panama Canal no longer seems quite so vital. But Teddy Roosevelt's progenitors still want to bold onto the canal. After all, they argue, we "stole It fair and square." Didn't we? For additional information, see: Sidney Lens, "The Forging of tbe American Empire," Thomas Y, Crowell Company, 1974; Charles Beard, "The Idea of National Interest," Quadrangle Paperbacks, 1966; Foster Dulles, "America's Rise to World Power, 1898- 1354," Harper Torchbooks, 1963; Graham Stuart, "Latin America and the United States," Appleton-Ceniury- Croft, 1955; U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations report, Oct 4 & 5. 1977, Part II. i Correction—1 Due to a production error, we identified Mark Eversole in a picture on the front page. The Bulldog players were were Art Williams (32)and Kenny Barnes (54). Tbe Collegian staff regrets this nance "YTMrd," a new thrice-yearly magazine anthology where Reed plans to showcase multicultural writing. "I think we're one of the few companies doing this. There are some other black companies, but many people limit themselves. You publish just experimental work, or Just Mack or Latino, you limit' yourself. I think It's good sense to do what we're >olng. Someone can pick up our stuff and get the full diversity of American culture." Imagine your life hangs by a thread. Imagine your body hangs by a wire. Imagine you're not imagining. .MARTIN ERUCHMAN*— .MIIMlCRICHTi^ GBIWrJBIJJfllD-MllMDGIM ;C0MA" EUZABEIH ASHIfY-RIPTDW-RICHAraW!^ K^ SEE, COMING TO A THEATRE NEAR YOU! |