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MORENA MONDAY, MAY 5,1969 Chicano-Black Student Supplement Volume 1, Number 1 La Sentana de la Raza Bronte y •.. El Cinco de Mayo Every fifth of May Puebla, the original "City of the Angels" in the Western Hemisphere awakens to a glorious day, a day which has won her the proud name of "Puebla la heroica." For this is the commemoration of the Batalla del Cinco de Mayo, May 5, 1862, when Puebla repulsed a French attack. Around eleven in the morning the school children of Puebla, decked out in their uniformes de gala (dress uniforms) decorated with identifying ribbons, march for four hours in a five mile long parade through the center of the city. When the parade reaches the zocalo (central plaza), the units of the various schools march past the state and municipal officials and salute them. The rest of the day is spent in a grand fiesta with many of the citizens gaily dressed in regional costumes, while bands play throughout the city. There is dancing in the zocalo and other plazas. At ten in the evening, the "combate de flores" (the flower battle, an ancient Aztec tradition) takes place. People throng to the zocalo and adjoining streets throwing flowers at each other and presenting bouquets to friends and strangers alike. Later, there are many glittering private parties to cap the festivities. During the day, the Mexican Army stages a sham battle on the Cerro de Guadalupe, atop which stands the fort, now a historical museum, which was the core of Puebla's defenses. Throughout the Mexican Nation similar events take place; and, in the ancient Aztec village of Penon (the rock), in the suburbs of Mexico City, a classic play is enacted with a cast of public officials, soldiers, and musicians. Not only does the long drama follow closely the historical events, but it contains long quotations from the various diplomatic pronouncements and treaties which preceeded and followed the battle. One may well ask why all the festivities, and thereby hangs a glorious and interesting tale of intrigue, adventure, derring-do, and heroic patriotism. From 1858 to 1861, Mexico was wracked by a sanguinary and destructive civil war, the Guerra de la Reforma or Guerra de Tres Anos. The conflict was a showdown between the Jacobin radicals who called themselves puros and the ultraconservative religious elements. They were all Catholics, but they disagreed violently on the relations between Church and State, as well as on the nature of the State itself. The Liberals (as the puros were officially called), favored a federalized republic and rejected their Indo-Spanish-Catholic culture in favor of the Anglo- oriented-Protestant one of the United States. The Conservatives preferred a unitary republic on the French model or a recreation of the Spanish monarchial state, as well as the Europeonization of Mexican culture. To bring about their ends, both sides courted foreign intervention: the Liberals that of the United States, the Conservatives that of France. At the conclusion of the Guerra de la Reforma, which the Liberals won with the aid of the United States, President Benito Juarez surveyed-the sorry state of his country, drained physically and emotionally and utterly devastated by a fratricidal war. Small surprise, then, that President Juarez declared a two-year moratorium on the payment of Mexico's foreign debt. Although the decision was dictated by absolute necessity, it was catastrophic, for it furnished a pretext for foreign intervention. The time was propitious, for the United States, itself embroiled in the bloody struggle between the Union and Confederate forces, was in no position to enforce the Monroe Doctrine which not only decried intervention by non-American powers, but specifically banned the further extension of the monarchical system inAmerica. Napoleon III, Emperor of the French, had long dreamed of a Catholic Latin American Empire which would counteract the Protestant Anglo-oriented United States. Also, he was influenced by the dazzling vision of Mexican riches dangled before his eyes by such Mexican exiles as the ex-Liberal General Juan Almonte, the royalist Jose Maria Gutierrez Estrada, and the ambitious Jose Manuel Hidalgo who had distinguished himself against the American invaders at the Battle of Churubusco in 1847. He was also influenced by his bastard half-brother, the Due de Morny, who was a partner of J. B. Jecker, a Swiss banker who held Mexican government bonds worth fifteen million pesos. Napoleon II prevailed on Britain and Spain to agree on forcibly pressing their respective claims against Mexico by means of a joint diplomatic mission backed by a powerful punitive expedition ... a form of international intimidation of small powers by large ones commonly referred to in diplomatic and military circles as "showing the flag." When indulged in between major powers, it is known less euphemistically as "rattling the sword." His plan was ratified officially in the London Convention on October 31, 1861. By this agreement the contracting parties pledged themselves to respect the territorial integrity of the Republic of Mexico. There were no provisions for changing Mexico's form of government. On January 9, 1862, the tripartite envoys, Count Dubois de Saligny, General Juan Prim, and Sir Charles Wyke met at Vera Cruz to discusstheirclaims.lt soon became clear that Spain and Britain's claims were just, whereas France demanded the honoring of the Jecker bonds (the Due de Morny was to get thirty per cent) and an additional twelve million pesos in cash. France wanted no questions asked. She was unwilling or unable to furnish valid proof. Nevertheless, President Juarez and his representatives treated the tripartite expedition with courtesy and consideration. Not only did he allow them to occupy Vera Cruz unopposed but, by the Treaty of La Doledad, allowed the foreign troops to move from the oppressive heat of the disease-ridden "Hot Land" to the healthier climate of the Mexican Plateau, near Puebla. The allies agreed to retreat to Vera Cruz, should hostilities break out. France's exorbitant demands and the rudely inflexible attitude of Dubois de Saligny, who was a stooge of the Due de Morny, soon caused a personality clash between the French envoy and General Prim. Sir Charles Wyke sided with the Spanish general. Tempers reached the breaking point, when the French landed General Almonte and other Mexican imperial agents to engage in subversive activities under the protection of the flag of France. At the urging of their representatives, Spain and Britain recalled their expeditionary forces. Napoleon III then ordered the Commander in Chief of his invading army, General Charles F. Latrille, Count of Laurencez, to take Mexico City and overthrow the Government of Mexico. On this occasion, as in almost every instance in the French Intervention in Mexico, France forgot her vaunted devotion to honor. General Laurencez violated the treaty of Soledad and marched directly towards Puebla, where an army under General Ignacio Zaragoza blocked the way to the capital. Juarez's choice of General Zaragoza to repel the French invasion was both surprising and intuitive. He might have selected General Jose Lopez Uraga, for example, a trained soldier of great technical knowledge and proven skill since 1947. He knew European military strategy and had distinguished himself in action during the War of Reform. General Zaragoza, ontheothei hand, was a brilliant but untutored guerilla tactician from Coa- huila. However, no one knew the military ability and the limitations of the Mexican soldier better, or had greater confidence in his heroic endurance and courage. It is interesting that Zaragoza in addressing his unpaid, underfed, poorly clothed and armed troops never spoke of winning or dying heroically, as Antonio Lopez de Santa Ana often had. Zaragoza spoke confidently only of total triumph. General Laurencez, on the contrary, had formed a poor concept of the Mexican soldier. When the bedraggled men of the Conservative guerilla leader, General Lorenzo Marquez, straggled into his camp, the French general noted they were barefooted, half-naked, and ill-armed. Never having seen them in action, he concluded that Mexico could easily be conquered with six thousand French regulars. So contemptuous was he of Mexican military ability, so sure that the Conservative and deeply religious citizens of Puebla would betray the army of the radical government of Juarez, that he decided on a frontal attack of the two hills where General Zaragoza had deployed his men, Cerro de Guadalupe and Cerro de Loreto. Also, Lurencez could not know that the general in his twenties who led the flanking attack for Zaragoza was the military genius who would eventually destroy the armies of Emperor Maximilian. His name was General Porfirio Diaz, and this was his first major command. Before the battle, General Laurencez wrote his government: "We have over the Mexicans such a superiority of race, organization, discipline, morality, and high ideals that even now, at the head of our valiant six thousand soldiers, I am the master of Mexico." Famous last words! A popular American historian has briefly and fairly acurately described the action that ensued: "General Laurencez, commanding 6000 well-trained and handsomely uniformed dragoons and foot soldiers, was given orders to occupy Mexico City. On the path of his march to the capital was Puebla, defended by 4000 Mexicans armed with i antiquated guns--many of which had seen service at the battle of Waterloo fifty years before, and had been bought _t a bargain by Mexico's ambassador to London back in 1825. Commander of Puebla's forces was Ignacio Zaragoza, an amateur in tactical warfare, as were most of his officers, but a seasoned warrior in guerrilla fighting. Laurencez, to show his contempt for that ragtag army, called for a charge up the middle of the Mexican defenses at Zara- goza's most strongly fortified position. The charge carried his cavalry through soggy ditches, over a crumbling adobe wall, and up the steep slopes of the Cerro de Guadalupe. But their drive petered out before reaching its objective, and over one thousand Frenchmen were left sprawled on the field, dead or dying. Laurencez paid for his contempt. The Mexican army held, and then Zaragoza led a counter-attack that drove Laurencez back to Orizaba and, after a short reprieve, attacked him again and drove the remnants of his army to the coast. This was the first time French troops had met defeat in nearly half a century, and it was handed them not by a major power of Europe but by the penniless, war-torn republic of Mexico. This battle for Puebla, fought on May 5, is yearly commemorated in Mexico by a national holiday, and there is hardly a Mexican village, town, or city that does not call its main street Cinco de Mayo." But the Cinco de Mayo did more than give Mexicans their most glorious national holiday. A Mexican history text comments on its significance as follows: "The victory of the Mexican Army in the Battle of Cinco de Mayo had far-reaching consequences, national as well as international. With regard to the national consequences, the belief that the French were invincible in war was destroyed, a belief the Conservative traitors themselves had used to demoralize the defenders of the nation. Furthermore the victory made the entire nation thrill with enthusiasm and patriotism, thus encouraging the Mexican people to continue their struggle against the invader without flagging..By this victory, the Mexican Army also gained an additional year in which to reinforce and reorganize itself, forming new military cadres, in which almost all the political elements of the nation were represented. As regards the international consequences, the defeat of the French had resounding effects in Europe, tarnishing the brilliance of Napoleon Ill's prestige, enhancing the honorable posture of the Spanish and British envoys, destroying the slander spread there by the Conservatives that the Juarez government had no baekingl.. furthermore, this Mexican victory admirably prevented an effective alliance between Napoleon and the Confederate States in the Civil War of the United States, which could possibly have changed the ending of that struggle. A historian says that on the Cinco de Mayo Zaragoza defended at Puebla the integrity of the Mexican Fatherland and the North American Federation." (C. Gonzalez Blackaller and L. Guevara Ramirez, Sintesis de his- toria de Mexico, p. 366). Mexican Americans, then, have a double incentive to cry proudly, "Viva el Cinco deMayo!" And other Americans, ragardless of national origins, have reason to join them. /. C. Canales CHM. Department of History • Fresno State College
Object Description
Title | 1969 La Voz de Aztlan |
Alternate title1 | La Voz de Aztlan (Daily Collegian, California State University, Fresno) |
Alternate title2 | La Pluma Morena; Chicano Liberation |
Contributors | Associated Students of Fresno State |
Publisher | Associated Students of Fresno State, Fresno, California |
Publication Date | 1969 |
Description | Published twice monthly during the school year. |
Coverage | Vol. 1, no. 1 (May 5, 1969) - vol. 24, no. 3 (May 7, 1992) |
Subject | California State University, Fresno -- Periodicals |
Format | Print newspaper |
Language | eng; spa |
Description
Title | May 5 1969 p 1 |
Alternate title1 | La Voz de Aztlan (Daily Collegian, California State University, Fresno) |
Publisher | Associated Students of Fresno State, Fresno, California |
Publication Date | 1969 |
Technical Information | Scanner: Image Access Bookeye 4. Software: OPUS FreeFlow software. Scanned 400 dpi; bit depth 24;TIFF. |
Language | eng; spa |
Full Text | MORENA MONDAY, MAY 5,1969 Chicano-Black Student Supplement Volume 1, Number 1 La Sentana de la Raza Bronte y •.. El Cinco de Mayo Every fifth of May Puebla, the original "City of the Angels" in the Western Hemisphere awakens to a glorious day, a day which has won her the proud name of "Puebla la heroica." For this is the commemoration of the Batalla del Cinco de Mayo, May 5, 1862, when Puebla repulsed a French attack. Around eleven in the morning the school children of Puebla, decked out in their uniformes de gala (dress uniforms) decorated with identifying ribbons, march for four hours in a five mile long parade through the center of the city. When the parade reaches the zocalo (central plaza), the units of the various schools march past the state and municipal officials and salute them. The rest of the day is spent in a grand fiesta with many of the citizens gaily dressed in regional costumes, while bands play throughout the city. There is dancing in the zocalo and other plazas. At ten in the evening, the "combate de flores" (the flower battle, an ancient Aztec tradition) takes place. People throng to the zocalo and adjoining streets throwing flowers at each other and presenting bouquets to friends and strangers alike. Later, there are many glittering private parties to cap the festivities. During the day, the Mexican Army stages a sham battle on the Cerro de Guadalupe, atop which stands the fort, now a historical museum, which was the core of Puebla's defenses. Throughout the Mexican Nation similar events take place; and, in the ancient Aztec village of Penon (the rock), in the suburbs of Mexico City, a classic play is enacted with a cast of public officials, soldiers, and musicians. Not only does the long drama follow closely the historical events, but it contains long quotations from the various diplomatic pronouncements and treaties which preceeded and followed the battle. One may well ask why all the festivities, and thereby hangs a glorious and interesting tale of intrigue, adventure, derring-do, and heroic patriotism. From 1858 to 1861, Mexico was wracked by a sanguinary and destructive civil war, the Guerra de la Reforma or Guerra de Tres Anos. The conflict was a showdown between the Jacobin radicals who called themselves puros and the ultraconservative religious elements. They were all Catholics, but they disagreed violently on the relations between Church and State, as well as on the nature of the State itself. The Liberals (as the puros were officially called), favored a federalized republic and rejected their Indo-Spanish-Catholic culture in favor of the Anglo- oriented-Protestant one of the United States. The Conservatives preferred a unitary republic on the French model or a recreation of the Spanish monarchial state, as well as the Europeonization of Mexican culture. To bring about their ends, both sides courted foreign intervention: the Liberals that of the United States, the Conservatives that of France. At the conclusion of the Guerra de la Reforma, which the Liberals won with the aid of the United States, President Benito Juarez surveyed-the sorry state of his country, drained physically and emotionally and utterly devastated by a fratricidal war. Small surprise, then, that President Juarez declared a two-year moratorium on the payment of Mexico's foreign debt. Although the decision was dictated by absolute necessity, it was catastrophic, for it furnished a pretext for foreign intervention. The time was propitious, for the United States, itself embroiled in the bloody struggle between the Union and Confederate forces, was in no position to enforce the Monroe Doctrine which not only decried intervention by non-American powers, but specifically banned the further extension of the monarchical system inAmerica. Napoleon III, Emperor of the French, had long dreamed of a Catholic Latin American Empire which would counteract the Protestant Anglo-oriented United States. Also, he was influenced by the dazzling vision of Mexican riches dangled before his eyes by such Mexican exiles as the ex-Liberal General Juan Almonte, the royalist Jose Maria Gutierrez Estrada, and the ambitious Jose Manuel Hidalgo who had distinguished himself against the American invaders at the Battle of Churubusco in 1847. He was also influenced by his bastard half-brother, the Due de Morny, who was a partner of J. B. Jecker, a Swiss banker who held Mexican government bonds worth fifteen million pesos. Napoleon II prevailed on Britain and Spain to agree on forcibly pressing their respective claims against Mexico by means of a joint diplomatic mission backed by a powerful punitive expedition ... a form of international intimidation of small powers by large ones commonly referred to in diplomatic and military circles as "showing the flag." When indulged in between major powers, it is known less euphemistically as "rattling the sword." His plan was ratified officially in the London Convention on October 31, 1861. By this agreement the contracting parties pledged themselves to respect the territorial integrity of the Republic of Mexico. There were no provisions for changing Mexico's form of government. On January 9, 1862, the tripartite envoys, Count Dubois de Saligny, General Juan Prim, and Sir Charles Wyke met at Vera Cruz to discusstheirclaims.lt soon became clear that Spain and Britain's claims were just, whereas France demanded the honoring of the Jecker bonds (the Due de Morny was to get thirty per cent) and an additional twelve million pesos in cash. France wanted no questions asked. She was unwilling or unable to furnish valid proof. Nevertheless, President Juarez and his representatives treated the tripartite expedition with courtesy and consideration. Not only did he allow them to occupy Vera Cruz unopposed but, by the Treaty of La Doledad, allowed the foreign troops to move from the oppressive heat of the disease-ridden "Hot Land" to the healthier climate of the Mexican Plateau, near Puebla. The allies agreed to retreat to Vera Cruz, should hostilities break out. France's exorbitant demands and the rudely inflexible attitude of Dubois de Saligny, who was a stooge of the Due de Morny, soon caused a personality clash between the French envoy and General Prim. Sir Charles Wyke sided with the Spanish general. Tempers reached the breaking point, when the French landed General Almonte and other Mexican imperial agents to engage in subversive activities under the protection of the flag of France. At the urging of their representatives, Spain and Britain recalled their expeditionary forces. Napoleon III then ordered the Commander in Chief of his invading army, General Charles F. Latrille, Count of Laurencez, to take Mexico City and overthrow the Government of Mexico. On this occasion, as in almost every instance in the French Intervention in Mexico, France forgot her vaunted devotion to honor. General Laurencez violated the treaty of Soledad and marched directly towards Puebla, where an army under General Ignacio Zaragoza blocked the way to the capital. Juarez's choice of General Zaragoza to repel the French invasion was both surprising and intuitive. He might have selected General Jose Lopez Uraga, for example, a trained soldier of great technical knowledge and proven skill since 1947. He knew European military strategy and had distinguished himself in action during the War of Reform. General Zaragoza, ontheothei hand, was a brilliant but untutored guerilla tactician from Coa- huila. However, no one knew the military ability and the limitations of the Mexican soldier better, or had greater confidence in his heroic endurance and courage. It is interesting that Zaragoza in addressing his unpaid, underfed, poorly clothed and armed troops never spoke of winning or dying heroically, as Antonio Lopez de Santa Ana often had. Zaragoza spoke confidently only of total triumph. General Laurencez, on the contrary, had formed a poor concept of the Mexican soldier. When the bedraggled men of the Conservative guerilla leader, General Lorenzo Marquez, straggled into his camp, the French general noted they were barefooted, half-naked, and ill-armed. Never having seen them in action, he concluded that Mexico could easily be conquered with six thousand French regulars. So contemptuous was he of Mexican military ability, so sure that the Conservative and deeply religious citizens of Puebla would betray the army of the radical government of Juarez, that he decided on a frontal attack of the two hills where General Zaragoza had deployed his men, Cerro de Guadalupe and Cerro de Loreto. Also, Lurencez could not know that the general in his twenties who led the flanking attack for Zaragoza was the military genius who would eventually destroy the armies of Emperor Maximilian. His name was General Porfirio Diaz, and this was his first major command. Before the battle, General Laurencez wrote his government: "We have over the Mexicans such a superiority of race, organization, discipline, morality, and high ideals that even now, at the head of our valiant six thousand soldiers, I am the master of Mexico." Famous last words! A popular American historian has briefly and fairly acurately described the action that ensued: "General Laurencez, commanding 6000 well-trained and handsomely uniformed dragoons and foot soldiers, was given orders to occupy Mexico City. On the path of his march to the capital was Puebla, defended by 4000 Mexicans armed with i antiquated guns--many of which had seen service at the battle of Waterloo fifty years before, and had been bought _t a bargain by Mexico's ambassador to London back in 1825. Commander of Puebla's forces was Ignacio Zaragoza, an amateur in tactical warfare, as were most of his officers, but a seasoned warrior in guerrilla fighting. Laurencez, to show his contempt for that ragtag army, called for a charge up the middle of the Mexican defenses at Zara- goza's most strongly fortified position. The charge carried his cavalry through soggy ditches, over a crumbling adobe wall, and up the steep slopes of the Cerro de Guadalupe. But their drive petered out before reaching its objective, and over one thousand Frenchmen were left sprawled on the field, dead or dying. Laurencez paid for his contempt. The Mexican army held, and then Zaragoza led a counter-attack that drove Laurencez back to Orizaba and, after a short reprieve, attacked him again and drove the remnants of his army to the coast. This was the first time French troops had met defeat in nearly half a century, and it was handed them not by a major power of Europe but by the penniless, war-torn republic of Mexico. This battle for Puebla, fought on May 5, is yearly commemorated in Mexico by a national holiday, and there is hardly a Mexican village, town, or city that does not call its main street Cinco de Mayo." But the Cinco de Mayo did more than give Mexicans their most glorious national holiday. A Mexican history text comments on its significance as follows: "The victory of the Mexican Army in the Battle of Cinco de Mayo had far-reaching consequences, national as well as international. With regard to the national consequences, the belief that the French were invincible in war was destroyed, a belief the Conservative traitors themselves had used to demoralize the defenders of the nation. Furthermore the victory made the entire nation thrill with enthusiasm and patriotism, thus encouraging the Mexican people to continue their struggle against the invader without flagging..By this victory, the Mexican Army also gained an additional year in which to reinforce and reorganize itself, forming new military cadres, in which almost all the political elements of the nation were represented. As regards the international consequences, the defeat of the French had resounding effects in Europe, tarnishing the brilliance of Napoleon Ill's prestige, enhancing the honorable posture of the Spanish and British envoys, destroying the slander spread there by the Conservatives that the Juarez government had no baekingl.. furthermore, this Mexican victory admirably prevented an effective alliance between Napoleon and the Confederate States in the Civil War of the United States, which could possibly have changed the ending of that struggle. A historian says that on the Cinco de Mayo Zaragoza defended at Puebla the integrity of the Mexican Fatherland and the North American Federation." (C. Gonzalez Blackaller and L. Guevara Ramirez, Sintesis de his- toria de Mexico, p. 366). Mexican Americans, then, have a double incentive to cry proudly, "Viva el Cinco deMayo!" And other Americans, ragardless of national origins, have reason to join them. /. C. Canales CHM. Department of History • Fresno State College |