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Systematic Prisoner By Ruben Perez Political prisoner. This term is one which, in this day and age, is readily grasped by almost everyone. What we here in the United States have much difficulty grasping is the concept and the reality of its implications. Traditionally and historically the term relates to and is associated with treason, prisoners of war, _or persons who become prisoners as a result of over-throwing a particular political party. For this reason, when one begins to talk and expand the term and concept to encompass and be applicable to the brothers and sisters in prison, often one gets either an apathetic or incredulous reaction. The position of the government of this country is very clear on this matter: there are no political crimes or prisoners. Where the government leaves off, we begin: Third World colonized people of this country that are in prisons are political prisoners. Prisoners and prisons become political since they are tools of politicians and the ruling class. "Crimes" committed by an oppressed people symbolize and express the attempt to tear off the bonds of oppression. People are not born "criminals", no more than one is born educated. By seriously examining and exploring the political-judicial penal system of this country, the reality of its vicious and criminal posture is revealed. From the informer, to the pig, the warden, and governor, the so-called "criminal" is a victim of a racist, materialistic system thatt recognizes the rebellious spirit and immediately sets its machinery in motion to dampen and contain, sometimes kill, the person who will not submit. To those who find and confront the system head on, the branding and systematic degradation of being "mentally ill", "criminal", or both, begins. Contrary to popular belief and the in-Vogue psychoanalytical theory, oppressed people do not commit offenses against the state because mother sisn't breast feed them. They are committed because the Mother Country does not feed nor meet the needs of the working and exploited people. The inability to relate to the needs of the people is an integral and basic philosophy of the U.S. Capitalist Government. Of necessity it must do this in order to keep the self-perpetrating, exploitive, and divisive class struggle in motion and working. Looking at the judicial-penal system from the perspective of people responding to their needs (that is, people committing offenses in response, or reaction, to certain basic needs) it is within our grasp to begin to see that people in prison are in effect victims to the cruelest manifestation of an oppressive-suppres- sive system. We began by trying to deal with the concept of political prisoners; those brothers and sisters who by virtue of their acts have committed an act that by the system's definition is a political "crime". The concept of non-politicized political prisoners is one much more elaborate and complex. By even accepting such an idea, we enter the vast arena of so-called "rehabilitative" programs that conceivably are set up to help people gone astray; to go "straight". It is by entering this arena and by exploring its basic tenets and philosophy that we encounter the mentality instilled by the ruling class to their puppet-governmental figureheads. This mentality assumes without question the position that the persons coming into a police station are either "sick" or "criminal", or both. From the police (who are the occupying political army of the ruling class), to the courts, to the prisons, to the adult authority and its parole system, to the whole machinery of its mental health correctional department, LA VOZ D£ AZTLAN it is a vast undertaking (by the system) that has the audacity and the nerve to call itself"rehabili- tative" and concerned about the "crime" in this country. It never has been, nor will it ever be, an effective "rehabilitative" system. Failure is inherent because its whole approach is geared to instill the same vicious competitive values that the person rejected in the first place. Had the person, at least half-heartedly, embraced and accepted these values, he or she wouldn't be in prison or jail. It is from the above point of view that we find in prisons throughout this country thousands upon thousands of brothers and sisters having committed offen- sesthat have a very definite political implication: a drug addict, a burglar, a rapist, a murderer; who is a human being with all the attributes of being sensitive and aware of the inconsistencies and hypocrisies of the community and country into which he is born. This, in a general sense, typifies the non-politicized political prisoner. It is this person that we, the Movement, need most desperately to reach with our message. We must relate and convey to our sisters and brothers that their rebellious acts were not negative and "criminal". Their acts were positive attitudes that have tried to deal in an individualistic negative way with an oppressive criminal system. The message must be: join the Movement and in a collective, brotherly, constructive and creative way attack and change the system! UNIDOS VENCEREMOS! FRESNO STATE COLLEGE, FRESNO, CALIFORNIA con todo carifio Querida Raza: I am very happy about the fact that we were all able to study last night our materials on Capitalism. I am also very happy that all of us had three full meals and that we were able to give our girls a ride in our new cars. Above all, however. I am glad and joyous that we will be receiving a degree soon so that we "CAN HELP LA RAZA". I am very thankful to all the people who have helped me receive my DEGREES, which in return have helped me become a TRUE CAPITALIST. I am, however, very disappointed with all these people that helped me, because they did not teach me about LOVE. I only know how to love myself. I am ashamed I can't love my RAZA. I love all of you "college students" but my mind keeps telling me that you are not my RAZA. Or, maybe it's that I see you don't know how to love either. Don't get mad! I could be absolutely wrong. I have told you to HATE this CAPITALISTIC, OPPRESSIVE nation and you told me that hate was evil. I had two years to think about what you told me. And you know what? You were right! The problem then is that I can't convince myself that we are capable of loving. But, I could be wrong - for you tell me that eventually you and I will be able "to help our Raza". Yov must understand, MY RAZA is being killed everyday, everyday. None of them come to college. None of them have three meals a day. None of them are on Work-Study. None of them say they are going to help LA RAZA tomorrow. None of them take LA RAZA STUDIES classes because they want to learn their culture or because it is more comfortable than other classes. At Fresno State College, I could love Roberto Rubalcava, who got canned a month ago. I could love Katherine Panas, who was refused a job because "it was not in the best interest of the college". I could love Adan Juarez, who won't have a job after June, 1970. And even those members of the staff who won't have a job after June, 1970. LA RAZA I could love are your parents and relatives that are still starving in the fields. The parents who are on the welfare lines. Your brothers and cousins who get picked up by the cops, and then brutally beaten up. All{ of those dropouts who were driven out by the system you hope to replace. All the addicts who needed our hand. And all of those children who die before they can take a breath of air. Oh, I guess there are a lot of people I could love but I guess | that we are busy preparing ourselves to love our RAZA Tomorrow. Yet, I could be wrong. Maybe you already love LA RAZA. J It's only that I am confused. l| am not sure of ourselves. I am not sure of anything anymore. I feel we are all a bunch of smalltime Capitalists. But like I said, I could be wrong; so please help me and set me straight. Show me that you love MY RAZA. But most important, show me how you can do it — so that I too can love LA RAZA de BRONCE. Un abrazo amaroso Guillermo Martinez LXXV/79 MONDAY, FEBRUARY 16, 1970 Three Years at Fresno State Over the last three years a significant trend had been developing at Fresno State College. Due to the efforts of concerned faculty, administrators and students, the Mexican population at the only State College in the Central Val- I ley had begun to increase so that at least it seemed that this traditionally excluded portion of the population was going to take its rightful place at all levels of college life. A quick survey of the facts bear out this optomis- I tic and hopeful statement. Fall 1967 saw the beginning of Project 17, the precursor of the current Educational Opportunity Program. The Mexican- American Student Association had just come into existence and begun its works of encouraging students to continue their education. There were 190 Mexican-American students on campus out of a total student body of 9,000. On hand to work with and help these 190 students were one full-time Mexican instructor and twenty-five Mexican support staff members. Nineteen of the 638 students receiving financial assistance at FSC were Mexican-Americans. From these small but positive steps there developed in 1968 a longer, better organized Educational Opportunity Program under the directorship of Katherine Panas. The students of the Mexican-American Student Confederation and concerned members of the faculty, administration and support staff saw the number of Mexican-American students on campus rise to 517 out of the total 11,000 students on campus. 1969 seemed like the beginning of a new era. Mexican-American student enrollment was up to 759 students out of the 13,000 members of the student body. The one-man Estudios de La Raza program had developed into a six-member population to to a six-member team working for the students thereby helping increase the college-wide Mexican faculty population to seven full time and ten part time faculty members. Thirty-nine Mexican support staff helped meet the needs of the students. Largely due to the initial efforts of the students of Movimeinto Estudiantil Chicano de Aztlan a significantly expanded EOP received direct state funding for the first time in California history. This era of progress has suddenly ended. The present administration has begun a series of systematic moves against the Mixlcans on the Fresno State College Campus. The nomination of Katherine Panas, specialist in bilingual education, was rejected. Roberto Rubalcava who spearheaded and directed student efforts in Sacramento and can thereby take the lion's share of credit of increased EOP has been terminated. The latest pronouncement of the administration is a return to "normal* admissions procedures — the procedures of the pre-1967 days when there were less than two hundred Mexican-American students on campus and one full- time faculty member. The present administration has declared war on the Mexican- American students on campus at FSC. It will not rest until it has driven us from the campus. ESTUDIOS DE LA RAZA
Object Description
Title | 1970 La Voz de Aztlan |
Alternate title1 | La Voz de Aztlan (Daily Collegian, California State University, Fresno) |
Alternate title2 | La Pluma Morena; Chicano Liberation |
Contributors | Associated Students of Fresno State |
Publisher | Associated Students of Fresno State, Fresno, California |
Publication Date | 1970 |
Description | Published twice monthly during the school year. |
Coverage | Vol. 1, no. 1 (May 5, 1969) - vol. 24, no. 3 (May 7, 1992) |
Subject | California State University, Fresno -- Periodicals |
Format | Print newspaper |
Language | eng; spa |
Description
Title | Feb 16 1970 p 1 |
Alternate title1 | La Voz de Aztlan (Daily Collegian, California State University, Fresno) |
Publisher | Associated Students of Fresno State, Fresno, California |
Publication Date | 1970 |
Technical Information | Scanner: Image Access Bookeye 4. Software: OPUS FreeFlow software. Scanned 400 dpi; bit depth 24; TIFF. |
Language | eng; spa |
Full Text | Systematic Prisoner By Ruben Perez Political prisoner. This term is one which, in this day and age, is readily grasped by almost everyone. What we here in the United States have much difficulty grasping is the concept and the reality of its implications. Traditionally and historically the term relates to and is associated with treason, prisoners of war, _or persons who become prisoners as a result of over-throwing a particular political party. For this reason, when one begins to talk and expand the term and concept to encompass and be applicable to the brothers and sisters in prison, often one gets either an apathetic or incredulous reaction. The position of the government of this country is very clear on this matter: there are no political crimes or prisoners. Where the government leaves off, we begin: Third World colonized people of this country that are in prisons are political prisoners. Prisoners and prisons become political since they are tools of politicians and the ruling class. "Crimes" committed by an oppressed people symbolize and express the attempt to tear off the bonds of oppression. People are not born "criminals", no more than one is born educated. By seriously examining and exploring the political-judicial penal system of this country, the reality of its vicious and criminal posture is revealed. From the informer, to the pig, the warden, and governor, the so-called "criminal" is a victim of a racist, materialistic system thatt recognizes the rebellious spirit and immediately sets its machinery in motion to dampen and contain, sometimes kill, the person who will not submit. To those who find and confront the system head on, the branding and systematic degradation of being "mentally ill", "criminal", or both, begins. Contrary to popular belief and the in-Vogue psychoanalytical theory, oppressed people do not commit offenses against the state because mother sisn't breast feed them. They are committed because the Mother Country does not feed nor meet the needs of the working and exploited people. The inability to relate to the needs of the people is an integral and basic philosophy of the U.S. Capitalist Government. Of necessity it must do this in order to keep the self-perpetrating, exploitive, and divisive class struggle in motion and working. Looking at the judicial-penal system from the perspective of people responding to their needs (that is, people committing offenses in response, or reaction, to certain basic needs) it is within our grasp to begin to see that people in prison are in effect victims to the cruelest manifestation of an oppressive-suppres- sive system. We began by trying to deal with the concept of political prisoners; those brothers and sisters who by virtue of their acts have committed an act that by the system's definition is a political "crime". The concept of non-politicized political prisoners is one much more elaborate and complex. By even accepting such an idea, we enter the vast arena of so-called "rehabilitative" programs that conceivably are set up to help people gone astray; to go "straight". It is by entering this arena and by exploring its basic tenets and philosophy that we encounter the mentality instilled by the ruling class to their puppet-governmental figureheads. This mentality assumes without question the position that the persons coming into a police station are either "sick" or "criminal", or both. From the police (who are the occupying political army of the ruling class), to the courts, to the prisons, to the adult authority and its parole system, to the whole machinery of its mental health correctional department, LA VOZ D£ AZTLAN it is a vast undertaking (by the system) that has the audacity and the nerve to call itself"rehabili- tative" and concerned about the "crime" in this country. It never has been, nor will it ever be, an effective "rehabilitative" system. Failure is inherent because its whole approach is geared to instill the same vicious competitive values that the person rejected in the first place. Had the person, at least half-heartedly, embraced and accepted these values, he or she wouldn't be in prison or jail. It is from the above point of view that we find in prisons throughout this country thousands upon thousands of brothers and sisters having committed offen- sesthat have a very definite political implication: a drug addict, a burglar, a rapist, a murderer; who is a human being with all the attributes of being sensitive and aware of the inconsistencies and hypocrisies of the community and country into which he is born. This, in a general sense, typifies the non-politicized political prisoner. It is this person that we, the Movement, need most desperately to reach with our message. We must relate and convey to our sisters and brothers that their rebellious acts were not negative and "criminal". Their acts were positive attitudes that have tried to deal in an individualistic negative way with an oppressive criminal system. The message must be: join the Movement and in a collective, brotherly, constructive and creative way attack and change the system! UNIDOS VENCEREMOS! FRESNO STATE COLLEGE, FRESNO, CALIFORNIA con todo carifio Querida Raza: I am very happy about the fact that we were all able to study last night our materials on Capitalism. I am also very happy that all of us had three full meals and that we were able to give our girls a ride in our new cars. Above all, however. I am glad and joyous that we will be receiving a degree soon so that we "CAN HELP LA RAZA". I am very thankful to all the people who have helped me receive my DEGREES, which in return have helped me become a TRUE CAPITALIST. I am, however, very disappointed with all these people that helped me, because they did not teach me about LOVE. I only know how to love myself. I am ashamed I can't love my RAZA. I love all of you "college students" but my mind keeps telling me that you are not my RAZA. Or, maybe it's that I see you don't know how to love either. Don't get mad! I could be absolutely wrong. I have told you to HATE this CAPITALISTIC, OPPRESSIVE nation and you told me that hate was evil. I had two years to think about what you told me. And you know what? You were right! The problem then is that I can't convince myself that we are capable of loving. But, I could be wrong - for you tell me that eventually you and I will be able "to help our Raza". Yov must understand, MY RAZA is being killed everyday, everyday. None of them come to college. None of them have three meals a day. None of them are on Work-Study. None of them say they are going to help LA RAZA tomorrow. None of them take LA RAZA STUDIES classes because they want to learn their culture or because it is more comfortable than other classes. At Fresno State College, I could love Roberto Rubalcava, who got canned a month ago. I could love Katherine Panas, who was refused a job because "it was not in the best interest of the college". I could love Adan Juarez, who won't have a job after June, 1970. And even those members of the staff who won't have a job after June, 1970. LA RAZA I could love are your parents and relatives that are still starving in the fields. The parents who are on the welfare lines. Your brothers and cousins who get picked up by the cops, and then brutally beaten up. All{ of those dropouts who were driven out by the system you hope to replace. All the addicts who needed our hand. And all of those children who die before they can take a breath of air. Oh, I guess there are a lot of people I could love but I guess | that we are busy preparing ourselves to love our RAZA Tomorrow. Yet, I could be wrong. Maybe you already love LA RAZA. J It's only that I am confused. l| am not sure of ourselves. I am not sure of anything anymore. I feel we are all a bunch of smalltime Capitalists. But like I said, I could be wrong; so please help me and set me straight. Show me that you love MY RAZA. But most important, show me how you can do it — so that I too can love LA RAZA de BRONCE. Un abrazo amaroso Guillermo Martinez LXXV/79 MONDAY, FEBRUARY 16, 1970 Three Years at Fresno State Over the last three years a significant trend had been developing at Fresno State College. Due to the efforts of concerned faculty, administrators and students, the Mexican population at the only State College in the Central Val- I ley had begun to increase so that at least it seemed that this traditionally excluded portion of the population was going to take its rightful place at all levels of college life. A quick survey of the facts bear out this optomis- I tic and hopeful statement. Fall 1967 saw the beginning of Project 17, the precursor of the current Educational Opportunity Program. The Mexican- American Student Association had just come into existence and begun its works of encouraging students to continue their education. There were 190 Mexican-American students on campus out of a total student body of 9,000. On hand to work with and help these 190 students were one full-time Mexican instructor and twenty-five Mexican support staff members. Nineteen of the 638 students receiving financial assistance at FSC were Mexican-Americans. From these small but positive steps there developed in 1968 a longer, better organized Educational Opportunity Program under the directorship of Katherine Panas. The students of the Mexican-American Student Confederation and concerned members of the faculty, administration and support staff saw the number of Mexican-American students on campus rise to 517 out of the total 11,000 students on campus. 1969 seemed like the beginning of a new era. Mexican-American student enrollment was up to 759 students out of the 13,000 members of the student body. The one-man Estudios de La Raza program had developed into a six-member population to to a six-member team working for the students thereby helping increase the college-wide Mexican faculty population to seven full time and ten part time faculty members. Thirty-nine Mexican support staff helped meet the needs of the students. Largely due to the initial efforts of the students of Movimeinto Estudiantil Chicano de Aztlan a significantly expanded EOP received direct state funding for the first time in California history. This era of progress has suddenly ended. The present administration has begun a series of systematic moves against the Mixlcans on the Fresno State College Campus. The nomination of Katherine Panas, specialist in bilingual education, was rejected. Roberto Rubalcava who spearheaded and directed student efforts in Sacramento and can thereby take the lion's share of credit of increased EOP has been terminated. The latest pronouncement of the administration is a return to "normal* admissions procedures — the procedures of the pre-1967 days when there were less than two hundred Mexican-American students on campus and one full- time faculty member. The present administration has declared war on the Mexican- American students on campus at FSC. It will not rest until it has driven us from the campus. ESTUDIOS DE LA RAZA |