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of Rights, because the Japanese American exclusion and detention is first and foremost a living demonstration of the supreme importance of the founding document of this nation. While the Constitution sets out the powers of the federal government, the Bill of Rights provides protection for the individual citizens against the power of the government and the democratic majority to whom the government is ultimately responsible. As a result, the Bill of Rights encom- passes^wccbasic kinds of measures. — first, restrictions on_the powerwhich the le3eral^overnment carTj^glJoveTcitizens, and, second, guarantees to thejseople- of the JLJnitejd jStaies of limited but very irripq^ritJihprtipAanH frpp^jnmg 2 Thus, ^Congress is iorbiddenfrom passing any law_abjridjnrtg the freedom of speech or of the press'ancTTj^Icgr^" "^Y hp,, ]S deprived of ljfp, liberty Of prrvppHy with™ it r\^P prnrpgc r>f _law2T~ The concepts of the Bill of Rights are the central compact between the federal government and the American people. That compact rests on very fundamental presumptions about the American people and their government. There is the root assumption that the people of this country are law-abiding and loyal to the institutions of the country. This is most clearly expressed by placing on the government the burden of proof in criminal cases. An Americanmay not be forced to give up hisliberty or be faced with criminal fines unless the govern^ ment persuades a jury of his-peeis-that he has committed a_ "crimeTThat basic requirement cannot be set aside in the mterests of the security of society or of the state. The corollary to this presumption of innocence and loyalty is the i^guirej^ inent_that innocence or guilt be established on a personal z basis*5 TThe_J^ndamental liberties may be denied_to an American onlyiFhe himself transgressed against thejaww not because people like him have or may have transgrgsgexL ~Tt goeswithout saying that among the basic freedoms that we all possess are the right to live and work wherever we chose in the United States and to follow lawful pursuits without interference from the government. In 1940, people of Japanese descent in the United States were only partially admitted to this basic compact. First, no immigrant from Japan could become a citizen of the United States. No demonstration of loyalty to the United States could overcome this bar. Despite the fact that no immigrants from Japan were allowed to enter the United States after 1924,6 those residents who had lived for 15 years or more in this country were absolutely prohibited from becoming full- fledged members of the community and society in which they had made their lives.7 Further, the western states had erected laws against land ownership by Japanese nationals8 and practices of segregation and discrimination against all ethnic Japanese were routinely followed by many people in the Pacific states.9 This was a vicious and ugly history in California and elsewhere, but it was not entirely successful in depriving people of Japanese descent of the benefits of American life. The children of immigrants born in this country were citizens at birth and disabilities visited on their parents did not apply to them. Both the immigrant generation and the Nisei, or second generation, believed that they could rely on the personal guarantees of liberty and due process embodied in the compact of the Bill of Rights. The very core of the bill before the Committee today is the recognitionjhat the fundamental compact between the federal government and the American people which is expressedin the Bill ofRights, and that the assumptions and, presumptions which are the foundation of that charter, wgrg^ broken in the wartime treatment of the Japanese Americans.) Because of the very magnitude of what happened — 120,000 people forced to leave their homes and livelihoods on the West Coast and most of them held for periods of months or years in barrack-like detention camps in the interior — it is hard to remember that we are dealing here with individuals. It was Mitsuye Endo and Jack Fujimoto and May Ichida who
Object Description
Title | Testimony of the JACL |
Description | The JACL presents a booklet that argues the case for redress. |
Subjects | Redress and reparations |
Type | image |
Genre | Booklet |
Language | eng |
Collection | Hirasuna Family Papers |
Collection Description | 19 items |
Project Name | California State University Japanese American Digitization Project |
Rights | Rights not yet transferred |
Description
Local ID | csufr_hfp_1069 |
Project ID | csufr_hfp_1069 |
Title | Page 4 / 5 |
Creator | JACL |
Date Created | 1984 - 06 - 27 |
Subjects | Redress and reparations |
Type | image |
Genre | Booklet |
Language | eng |
Collection | Hirasuna Family Papers |
Collection Description | 11.70 x 8.50in |
Rights | Rights not yet transferred |
Transcript | of Rights, because the Japanese American exclusion and detention is first and foremost a living demonstration of the supreme importance of the founding document of this nation. While the Constitution sets out the powers of the federal government, the Bill of Rights provides protection for the individual citizens against the power of the government and the democratic majority to whom the government is ultimately responsible. As a result, the Bill of Rights encom- passes^wccbasic kinds of measures. — first, restrictions on_the powerwhich the le3eral^overnment carTj^glJoveTcitizens, and, second, guarantees to thejseople- of the JLJnitejd jStaies of limited but very irripq^ritJihprtipAanH frpp^jnmg 2 Thus, ^Congress is iorbiddenfrom passing any law_abjridjnrtg the freedom of speech or of the press'ancTTj^Icgr^" "^Y hp,, ]S deprived of ljfp, liberty Of prrvppHy with™ it r\^P prnrpgc r>f _law2T~ The concepts of the Bill of Rights are the central compact between the federal government and the American people. That compact rests on very fundamental presumptions about the American people and their government. There is the root assumption that the people of this country are law-abiding and loyal to the institutions of the country. This is most clearly expressed by placing on the government the burden of proof in criminal cases. An Americanmay not be forced to give up hisliberty or be faced with criminal fines unless the govern^ ment persuades a jury of his-peeis-that he has committed a_ "crimeTThat basic requirement cannot be set aside in the mterests of the security of society or of the state. The corollary to this presumption of innocence and loyalty is the i^guirej^ inent_that innocence or guilt be established on a personal z basis*5 TThe_J^ndamental liberties may be denied_to an American onlyiFhe himself transgressed against thejaww not because people like him have or may have transgrgsgexL ~Tt goeswithout saying that among the basic freedoms that we all possess are the right to live and work wherever we chose in the United States and to follow lawful pursuits without interference from the government. In 1940, people of Japanese descent in the United States were only partially admitted to this basic compact. First, no immigrant from Japan could become a citizen of the United States. No demonstration of loyalty to the United States could overcome this bar. Despite the fact that no immigrants from Japan were allowed to enter the United States after 1924,6 those residents who had lived for 15 years or more in this country were absolutely prohibited from becoming full- fledged members of the community and society in which they had made their lives.7 Further, the western states had erected laws against land ownership by Japanese nationals8 and practices of segregation and discrimination against all ethnic Japanese were routinely followed by many people in the Pacific states.9 This was a vicious and ugly history in California and elsewhere, but it was not entirely successful in depriving people of Japanese descent of the benefits of American life. The children of immigrants born in this country were citizens at birth and disabilities visited on their parents did not apply to them. Both the immigrant generation and the Nisei, or second generation, believed that they could rely on the personal guarantees of liberty and due process embodied in the compact of the Bill of Rights. The very core of the bill before the Committee today is the recognitionjhat the fundamental compact between the federal government and the American people which is expressedin the Bill ofRights, and that the assumptions and, presumptions which are the foundation of that charter, wgrg^ broken in the wartime treatment of the Japanese Americans.) Because of the very magnitude of what happened — 120,000 people forced to leave their homes and livelihoods on the West Coast and most of them held for periods of months or years in barrack-like detention camps in the interior — it is hard to remember that we are dealing here with individuals. It was Mitsuye Endo and Jack Fujimoto and May Ichida who |