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(WRA)—the civilian agency charged with supervising the relocation—assumed that the vast majority of evacuees were loyal and should be allowed to resettle outside of the west coast. But because of harsh objections from certain Mountain State politicians, a consensus plan for detention of the evacuees emerged. The WRA gave up on its idea of resettlement, and accepted a program of confinement. Despite WRA's belief that evacuees should be returned to normal productive life, it had, in effect, become their jailer. Since there was no military justification for detention, the WRA instead contended that the program was for the evacuees' own safety. The history of life during the evacuation and in the relocation camps is one of suffering and deprivation. On the average, families received only 1 or 2 weeks notice of evacuation to an unknown destination. They could take with them only what could be carried. All else was lost or sold for cutrate prices. Life in the relocation camps was spartan, with shoddy and crowded buildings, defective facilities, faulty heating, inadequate health care, and limited education programs. Privacy was impossible. Families and individuals alike lost their identities and became known only by identification numbers. Because the western defense command opposed individual loyalty reviews—for fear of weakening the blanket exclusion—no opportunity for individual review was created in the assembly centers. The War Department favored conducting loyalty reviews, but did not act on this until the end of 1942. Although these reviews eventually permitted some to leave relocation centeis, it did not end the exclusion from the west coast. Moreover, even this belated process was offensive, since it treated Japanese Americans as guilty until proven innocent. In the spring of 1943, Secretary of War Henry L. Stimson, Assistant Secretary of War John McCloy, and Gen. George C. Marshall reached the conclusion that the loyalty reviews eliminated any justification for exclusion from the west coast. They kept their views private, however, and General DeWitt repeatedly opposed ending exclusion until he left the western defense command In late 1943, as did west coast anti-Japanese factions. Secretary Stimson finally put the recommendation before the Cabinet in May 1944. But no action was taken until December 17, 1944, while confinement continued for the great majority of Japanese Americans. The exclusion and removal of Japanese Americans resulted from a long history of anti-Japanese American agitation and legislation on the west coast. By contrast, in Hawaii, where the military commander restrained plans for radical measures and treated the ethnic Japanese as loyal residents—absent evidence to the contrary—only 2,000 ethnic Japanese were taken into custody. The policy devel- oped-was in sharp contrast to Government actions against enemy aliens or citizens of non-Japanese descent. For example, the United States never ordered a mass exclusion or detention against American citizens of German or Italian descent. I am delighted to be joined today by two distinguished House Members, Mike Lowry and Hamilton Fish. Congressman Lowry has been involved with this issue for a number of years, and our offices have worked closely together in developing this legislation! A number of organizations support congressional enactment of redress legislation, including the American Civil Liberties Union, the Japanese American Citizens League, the National Coalition for Redress and Relocation, and the Washington Coalition for Redress. The Anti-Defamation League of B'nai Brith supports just compensation for the internees. This episode In American history should never have, happened. It is the Government's responsibility to set the record straight and to try, at least, to recognize and partially compensate for past injustices, although the tarnish on our Constitution can never be completely removed. The bill I am introducing today has been carefully prepared in close consultation with Congressman Mike Lowry, with the national and local organizations representing the Japanese American community, with the Commission staff, and after a review of the Commission's recent recommendations. Our purpose is to recognize and redress the injustices and violations of civil liberties against U.S. citizens and residents, of Japanese and Aleut ancestry by the United States and to discourage similar injustices and violations of civil liberties in the future. Those eligible are people of Japanese or Alaskan Aleut ancestry excluded from the west coast between December 7, 1941, and December 17, 1944, or deprived of liberty or property as a result of a series of Executive orders, proclamations, laws, Armed Forces directives, or other Federal actions resulting in exclusion, relocation, and/or detention of individuals on the basis of race. The Attorney General must locate each eligible individual, and pay to each the sum determined by the appropriate committees, after reviewing the Commission's recommendations for redress. While the Commission has recommended $20,000, the Japanese American community has endorsed a $25,000 figure. My view is that these recommendations need to be weighed carefully. In order to insure prompt payment to internees, especially to those of advanced age, payments must be made within 3 years after this bill is enacted. If any eligible individual is deceased, cannot be located within a reasonable amount of time, or refuses or is unable to accept payment, the money is to be deposited into a trust fund in the Treasury. This fund is to be distributed for the benefit of U.S. communities in which eligible individuals or their descendants reside, for community services including education, health, housing, cultural, and related services. A board of trustees appointed by the President, subject to Senate confirmation, will administer the fund, under rules spelled out by the Attorney General. At least half of the trustees will either be eligible individuals or their descendants. My bill is intended as a vehicle for the Commission's recommendations, but it also takes into account well-considered views of the community to whom redress is due. One minor technical difference is that, while the Commission would first establish a trust fund out of which to make individual reparations, my bill first provides direct payment to individuals, many of whom are of advanced age. The Japanese-American community is very concerned—and justly so—that individual payments be made as promptly as possible, especially to the older internees and evacuees, without the delays Inherent in setting up a trust fund and developing rules for its operation. This act is a just and fair redress to those individuals who were excluded and/or interned without justification, In gross violation of their civil liberties as American citizens and residents. Mr. President, former Assistant Secretary of War John McCloy has recently made comments equating the Americans of Japanese descent who were interned and for whom my bill will provide redress with imperial Japanese soldiers with whom this Nation fought a war. That is the same essential confusion that led to this tremendous unjustice In the first place. Two readers of the Washington Post, on whose pages Mr. McCloy's remarks appeared, responded eloquently and completely to Mr. McCloy in letters to the editor of the Post. I ask that those letters be printed as part of the Record at this point: The letters follow: Apologizing to the Japanese Americans Former assistant secretary of war John McCloy equates Japanese Americans with imperial Japanese soldiers—logic as faulty as it is unfair. Whereas most of us are Americans by chance—we happen to have been born here—many of the interned Japanese Americans were (and amazingly still are) Americans by choice. Despite the thousands of miles separating them from their parents and grandparents, despite the difficulties of our language, despite the resentment or active discrimination by other ethnic groups even after internment, they have stayed to see their children and grandchildren succeed here. It is high time for us to thank these Americans for tolerating a thousand days of unfair treatment in wartime, to apologize formally and to make amends for the years lost. Anne Cleveland. Alexandria. I appreciate the front-page coverage of Japanese-American redress. My parents instilled in their children a love of country so deep that I questioned why they would work for redress. Now I know it was only the patriotic thing to do. It was unconstitutional to deprive Americans of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness on the basis of race. Not one of the interned Japanese demonstrated a threat to feilow Americans. As Americans themselves, they want to ensure it won't happen again. My parents rarely spoke of World War II, but I remember the tears that trickled down my father's face when he told of being rejected from the service for medical reasons. He would have proudly riven his life for his country. Now almost 70, he has spent a lifetime extolling the virtues of America. Ironic, isn't it? Apology is due; and it is an important step for America, not just Japanese Americans. Mary Ishimoto Morris. Silver Spring.
Object Description
Title | June 22, 1983 |
Description | A collection of government documents is presented. In more specific, Congressional records from June 22, 1983. |
Subjects | Redress and reparations |
Type | image |
Genre | Government record |
Language | eng |
Collection | Hirasuna Family Papers |
Collection Description | 2 items |
Project Name | California State University Japanese American Digitization Project |
Rights | Rights not yet transferred |
Description
Local ID | csufr_hfp_0875 |
Project ID | csufr_hfp_0875 |
Title | Page 2 |
Creator | Unknown |
Date Created | 1983 - 06 - 22 |
Subjects | Redress and reparations |
Type | image |
Genre | Government record |
Language | eng |
Collection | Hirasuna Family Papers |
Collection Description | 8.40 x 13.94in |
Rights | Rights not yet transferred |
Transcript | (WRA)—the civilian agency charged with supervising the relocation—assumed that the vast majority of evacuees were loyal and should be allowed to resettle outside of the west coast. But because of harsh objections from certain Mountain State politicians, a consensus plan for detention of the evacuees emerged. The WRA gave up on its idea of resettlement, and accepted a program of confinement. Despite WRA's belief that evacuees should be returned to normal productive life, it had, in effect, become their jailer. Since there was no military justification for detention, the WRA instead contended that the program was for the evacuees' own safety. The history of life during the evacuation and in the relocation camps is one of suffering and deprivation. On the average, families received only 1 or 2 weeks notice of evacuation to an unknown destination. They could take with them only what could be carried. All else was lost or sold for cutrate prices. Life in the relocation camps was spartan, with shoddy and crowded buildings, defective facilities, faulty heating, inadequate health care, and limited education programs. Privacy was impossible. Families and individuals alike lost their identities and became known only by identification numbers. Because the western defense command opposed individual loyalty reviews—for fear of weakening the blanket exclusion—no opportunity for individual review was created in the assembly centers. The War Department favored conducting loyalty reviews, but did not act on this until the end of 1942. Although these reviews eventually permitted some to leave relocation centeis, it did not end the exclusion from the west coast. Moreover, even this belated process was offensive, since it treated Japanese Americans as guilty until proven innocent. In the spring of 1943, Secretary of War Henry L. Stimson, Assistant Secretary of War John McCloy, and Gen. George C. Marshall reached the conclusion that the loyalty reviews eliminated any justification for exclusion from the west coast. They kept their views private, however, and General DeWitt repeatedly opposed ending exclusion until he left the western defense command In late 1943, as did west coast anti-Japanese factions. Secretary Stimson finally put the recommendation before the Cabinet in May 1944. But no action was taken until December 17, 1944, while confinement continued for the great majority of Japanese Americans. The exclusion and removal of Japanese Americans resulted from a long history of anti-Japanese American agitation and legislation on the west coast. By contrast, in Hawaii, where the military commander restrained plans for radical measures and treated the ethnic Japanese as loyal residents—absent evidence to the contrary—only 2,000 ethnic Japanese were taken into custody. The policy devel- oped-was in sharp contrast to Government actions against enemy aliens or citizens of non-Japanese descent. For example, the United States never ordered a mass exclusion or detention against American citizens of German or Italian descent. I am delighted to be joined today by two distinguished House Members, Mike Lowry and Hamilton Fish. Congressman Lowry has been involved with this issue for a number of years, and our offices have worked closely together in developing this legislation! A number of organizations support congressional enactment of redress legislation, including the American Civil Liberties Union, the Japanese American Citizens League, the National Coalition for Redress and Relocation, and the Washington Coalition for Redress. The Anti-Defamation League of B'nai Brith supports just compensation for the internees. This episode In American history should never have, happened. It is the Government's responsibility to set the record straight and to try, at least, to recognize and partially compensate for past injustices, although the tarnish on our Constitution can never be completely removed. The bill I am introducing today has been carefully prepared in close consultation with Congressman Mike Lowry, with the national and local organizations representing the Japanese American community, with the Commission staff, and after a review of the Commission's recent recommendations. Our purpose is to recognize and redress the injustices and violations of civil liberties against U.S. citizens and residents, of Japanese and Aleut ancestry by the United States and to discourage similar injustices and violations of civil liberties in the future. Those eligible are people of Japanese or Alaskan Aleut ancestry excluded from the west coast between December 7, 1941, and December 17, 1944, or deprived of liberty or property as a result of a series of Executive orders, proclamations, laws, Armed Forces directives, or other Federal actions resulting in exclusion, relocation, and/or detention of individuals on the basis of race. The Attorney General must locate each eligible individual, and pay to each the sum determined by the appropriate committees, after reviewing the Commission's recommendations for redress. While the Commission has recommended $20,000, the Japanese American community has endorsed a $25,000 figure. My view is that these recommendations need to be weighed carefully. In order to insure prompt payment to internees, especially to those of advanced age, payments must be made within 3 years after this bill is enacted. If any eligible individual is deceased, cannot be located within a reasonable amount of time, or refuses or is unable to accept payment, the money is to be deposited into a trust fund in the Treasury. This fund is to be distributed for the benefit of U.S. communities in which eligible individuals or their descendants reside, for community services including education, health, housing, cultural, and related services. A board of trustees appointed by the President, subject to Senate confirmation, will administer the fund, under rules spelled out by the Attorney General. At least half of the trustees will either be eligible individuals or their descendants. My bill is intended as a vehicle for the Commission's recommendations, but it also takes into account well-considered views of the community to whom redress is due. One minor technical difference is that, while the Commission would first establish a trust fund out of which to make individual reparations, my bill first provides direct payment to individuals, many of whom are of advanced age. The Japanese-American community is very concerned—and justly so—that individual payments be made as promptly as possible, especially to the older internees and evacuees, without the delays Inherent in setting up a trust fund and developing rules for its operation. This act is a just and fair redress to those individuals who were excluded and/or interned without justification, In gross violation of their civil liberties as American citizens and residents. Mr. President, former Assistant Secretary of War John McCloy has recently made comments equating the Americans of Japanese descent who were interned and for whom my bill will provide redress with imperial Japanese soldiers with whom this Nation fought a war. That is the same essential confusion that led to this tremendous unjustice In the first place. Two readers of the Washington Post, on whose pages Mr. McCloy's remarks appeared, responded eloquently and completely to Mr. McCloy in letters to the editor of the Post. I ask that those letters be printed as part of the Record at this point: The letters follow: Apologizing to the Japanese Americans Former assistant secretary of war John McCloy equates Japanese Americans with imperial Japanese soldiers—logic as faulty as it is unfair. Whereas most of us are Americans by chance—we happen to have been born here—many of the interned Japanese Americans were (and amazingly still are) Americans by choice. Despite the thousands of miles separating them from their parents and grandparents, despite the difficulties of our language, despite the resentment or active discrimination by other ethnic groups even after internment, they have stayed to see their children and grandchildren succeed here. It is high time for us to thank these Americans for tolerating a thousand days of unfair treatment in wartime, to apologize formally and to make amends for the years lost. Anne Cleveland. Alexandria. I appreciate the front-page coverage of Japanese-American redress. My parents instilled in their children a love of country so deep that I questioned why they would work for redress. Now I know it was only the patriotic thing to do. It was unconstitutional to deprive Americans of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness on the basis of race. Not one of the interned Japanese demonstrated a threat to feilow Americans. As Americans themselves, they want to ensure it won't happen again. My parents rarely spoke of World War II, but I remember the tears that trickled down my father's face when he told of being rejected from the service for medical reasons. He would have proudly riven his life for his country. Now almost 70, he has spent a lifetime extolling the virtues of America. Ironic, isn't it? Apology is due; and it is an important step for America, not just Japanese Americans. Mary Ishimoto Morris. Silver Spring. |