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National Japanese American Historical Society decided there was basis for filing a class-action lawsuit. A short time later Herzig-Yoshinaga was hired by the Commission on the Wartime Relocation and Internment of Civilians (CWRIC). Her title of chief researcher was misleading. "The research staff was basically me," she sighs. "Sometimes people were assigned to help, but they kept getting pulled away. It was an awful lot of work." Fortunately she had already collected mounds of material for NCJAR, which agreed that she should share it with the CWRIC. "That was a helpful headstart, otherwise I don't think I could have done it all." Peter Irons: "I had no idea there was anything in these files that might produce a lawsuit!" Like most law students, Peter Irons had studied the Japanese American Supreme Court cases in school, where they were held out as examples of dangerous precedent. "About three years after law school, when I was teaching at the University of Massachusetts, I decided to write a book about these cases. In August 1981, on the very first day I started research at the Archives, I met Aiko. I introduced myself and we quickly agreed to share information." It was the start of a fruitful partnership. Herzig-Yoshinaga knew the National Archives like the back of her hand, and Irons had the expertise to understand the legal implications of the material she found. To work on his book, Irons needed the case files, which were not at the National Archives. Only after persis tent requests did Justice Dept. staff locate the papers. They had been stored in a warehouse with documents from the Immigration and Naturalization Service because Korematsu, Yasui and Hirabayashi - all U.S. citizens - had been miscategorized with "enemy aliens." "At that time, I had no idea there was anything in these files that might produce a lawsuit, but as soon as I opened them up, I found the 'smoking gun' memos." These internal memos by government attorneys who had worked on the cases gave Irons the first concrete proof that the government had fabricated information to support the alleged "military necessity" of the internment and had destroyed, altered or withheld from the Supreme Court critical information negating that allegation. Irons and Herzig-Yoshinaga found documents indicating that Asst. Scty. of War John McCloy had ordered that parts of DeWitt's original report be rewritten, and all ten copies of the original document destroyed. The cover-up was so thorough that War Dept. receipts had been altered to hide the existence of the original copies. Sometime in 1982, Herzig- Yoshinaga made a real find: "I picked up a copy of DeWitt's Final Report from an archivist's desk. I realized it was the original report because it had notes in the margins indicating what copy should be changed. It was a gold mine!" Irons believed that the evidence was strong enough to reopen the cases by filing petitions for writs of error Coram Nobis. He'd had personal experience with such a petition. As a civil rights activist back in 1960, he had returned his draft card because the country still practiced segregation. In 1963 he received a draft notice, which he ignored. The following year, a week after Congress passed the Gulf of Tonkin resolution, he and many antiwar activists were indicted for draft resistance. He was found guilty and served two years in prison. Later, in law school, he obtained his Selective Service and FBI records. "It was quite clear that I had been called a year earlier than I should have been because they were targeting anti-war activists." Irons filed a Coram Nobis petition, which the government did not contest, and his conviction was vacated. An attorney as well as a scholar, Irons persuaded Korematsu, Yasui and Hirabayashi to let him reopen their cases. Irons asked Yasui for names of Japanese American lawyers who might donate their time to the case. Of the ten attorneys suggested, only one, Dale Minami, lived in one of the cities where the original wartime cases had been filed. The San Francisco Team: ait was the h ht of our careers. We would have almost paid to WOrk Oft the Case!" - Don Tamaki Dale Minami claims that he chose law as a career "not out of any grand social purpose, but because I couldn't think of anything else to do." Nonetheless, he soon became intrigued by public interest law. In 1972, while still a law student, he joined several attorneys to found the Asian Law Caucus (ALC), a non-profit public interest law firm. "I cut my teeth on cases where poor powerless people had to challenge powerful institutions. We developed a strategy of underscoring and appreciating the political aspects of these cases." Bigger Than All of Us (cont'd on p. 15) Nikkei Heritage • Spring 1999 ]
Object Description
Title | Coram Nobis and the Continuum of Activism |
Description | The Seasonal Magazine, Nikkei Heritage, publishes another volume of their magazine. |
Subjects | Redress and reparations--Legal petitions/coram nobis cases |
Type | image |
Genre | Periodicals |
Language | eng |
Collection | Hirasuna Family Papers |
Collection Description | 27 items |
Project Name | California State University Japanese American Digitization Project |
Rights | Rights not yet transferred |
Description
Local ID | csufr_hfp_0662 |
Project ID | csufr_hfp_0662 |
Title | Page 7 |
Creator | National Japanese American Historical Society |
Date Created | 1999 - 00 - 00 |
Subjects | Redress and reparations--Legal petitions/coram nobis cases |
Type | image |
Genre | Periodicals |
Language | eng |
Collection | Hirasuna Family Papers |
Collection Description | 8.45 x 10.88in |
Rights | Rights not yet transferred |
Transcript | National Japanese American Historical Society decided there was basis for filing a class-action lawsuit. A short time later Herzig-Yoshinaga was hired by the Commission on the Wartime Relocation and Internment of Civilians (CWRIC). Her title of chief researcher was misleading. "The research staff was basically me," she sighs. "Sometimes people were assigned to help, but they kept getting pulled away. It was an awful lot of work." Fortunately she had already collected mounds of material for NCJAR, which agreed that she should share it with the CWRIC. "That was a helpful headstart, otherwise I don't think I could have done it all." Peter Irons: "I had no idea there was anything in these files that might produce a lawsuit!" Like most law students, Peter Irons had studied the Japanese American Supreme Court cases in school, where they were held out as examples of dangerous precedent. "About three years after law school, when I was teaching at the University of Massachusetts, I decided to write a book about these cases. In August 1981, on the very first day I started research at the Archives, I met Aiko. I introduced myself and we quickly agreed to share information." It was the start of a fruitful partnership. Herzig-Yoshinaga knew the National Archives like the back of her hand, and Irons had the expertise to understand the legal implications of the material she found. To work on his book, Irons needed the case files, which were not at the National Archives. Only after persis tent requests did Justice Dept. staff locate the papers. They had been stored in a warehouse with documents from the Immigration and Naturalization Service because Korematsu, Yasui and Hirabayashi - all U.S. citizens - had been miscategorized with "enemy aliens." "At that time, I had no idea there was anything in these files that might produce a lawsuit, but as soon as I opened them up, I found the 'smoking gun' memos." These internal memos by government attorneys who had worked on the cases gave Irons the first concrete proof that the government had fabricated information to support the alleged "military necessity" of the internment and had destroyed, altered or withheld from the Supreme Court critical information negating that allegation. Irons and Herzig-Yoshinaga found documents indicating that Asst. Scty. of War John McCloy had ordered that parts of DeWitt's original report be rewritten, and all ten copies of the original document destroyed. The cover-up was so thorough that War Dept. receipts had been altered to hide the existence of the original copies. Sometime in 1982, Herzig- Yoshinaga made a real find: "I picked up a copy of DeWitt's Final Report from an archivist's desk. I realized it was the original report because it had notes in the margins indicating what copy should be changed. It was a gold mine!" Irons believed that the evidence was strong enough to reopen the cases by filing petitions for writs of error Coram Nobis. He'd had personal experience with such a petition. As a civil rights activist back in 1960, he had returned his draft card because the country still practiced segregation. In 1963 he received a draft notice, which he ignored. The following year, a week after Congress passed the Gulf of Tonkin resolution, he and many antiwar activists were indicted for draft resistance. He was found guilty and served two years in prison. Later, in law school, he obtained his Selective Service and FBI records. "It was quite clear that I had been called a year earlier than I should have been because they were targeting anti-war activists." Irons filed a Coram Nobis petition, which the government did not contest, and his conviction was vacated. An attorney as well as a scholar, Irons persuaded Korematsu, Yasui and Hirabayashi to let him reopen their cases. Irons asked Yasui for names of Japanese American lawyers who might donate their time to the case. Of the ten attorneys suggested, only one, Dale Minami, lived in one of the cities where the original wartime cases had been filed. The San Francisco Team: ait was the h ht of our careers. We would have almost paid to WOrk Oft the Case!" - Don Tamaki Dale Minami claims that he chose law as a career "not out of any grand social purpose, but because I couldn't think of anything else to do." Nonetheless, he soon became intrigued by public interest law. In 1972, while still a law student, he joined several attorneys to found the Asian Law Caucus (ALC), a non-profit public interest law firm. "I cut my teeth on cases where poor powerless people had to challenge powerful institutions. We developed a strategy of underscoring and appreciating the political aspects of these cases." Bigger Than All of Us (cont'd on p. 15) Nikkei Heritage • Spring 1999 ] |