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August 3, 1988 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — HOUSE H6263 (Mr. SHTJMWAY. asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.) Mr. SHTJMWAY.. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to the conference report, and in doing so I realize that my postion here tonight is going to be a minority view. The bill will pass when the vote is taken to-- morrow. It will be signed by the President. This measure will become the law. But nevertheless, I feel that I must speak out and at least express the reasons that I have used to come to the particular conclusion that I have come to. It seems- to me that to support this bill, in good faith, one must find a cause and effect relationship, and I simply cannot find it. I have searched desperately.. I cannot recall another bill that we have considered in recent years that I have given as much.study to as I have this bill. I have done that because I have among my constituents . in California many people who are vitally affected by this bill, very interested in it. I have done it because I have colleagues here, notably my good friend, the gentleman from California, Mrc_BjJB_MATSpT, who have urged me to~cohsider~ my'position and who have given me some very thought-provoking reasons to do so. I have studied it because I have read books that have been supplied to me, one of them bv John Tateishi called "And Justice for All!' containing some very touching stories about those who were kept in these camps. I really do not have any quarrel with the facts. There was a serious wrong done to many good American citizens, and there are some resulting emotional scars. I can feel the hurt many of the Japanese-Americans feel today and will describe during this debate. But I_ do nqtsee_jjle__jemedyj_fjag payment of $20,000, as the right. an"Swer_rtQ3he_. equation. Search my conscience and the facts as I might, I simply do not find the justification for that. This payment will go to some who suffered great harm and, therefore, the payment of $20,000 would be but a token payment to them. It will, go to some who suffered very little harm, and to those for whom maybe it will be nothing more than a windfalL It will go to some who made claims under claims statutes in prior years and received payment from the U.S.. Government in return for which they signed full releases of any further liability. It will go to some who perhaps had greater allegiance to Japan during those difficult war years. In spite of these differences in status, the proponents say that we must pay a lump sum to all to address the wrong, that this is the only fair, the only just way to proceed,, and they say that this bill, by doing so, reflects our sensitivity to that wrong. Mr. Speaker, it is at this point that I think the cause and effect relationship really breaks down. tj>imply__cannot. match that prQclaimerisensitiv4ty~with- -frie very arhitrarv-^nlri. mefhanistic formula contained in r.hfe hiTC Those two tnihgs just do not jibe and equate, and they do not properly recognize the nature of the wrong. In my view there are other, more ap_- propriate ways to redress the wrong, done to loyalAmerican citizens, and I offered some alternatives during the debate, including the granting of scholarships, perhaps a lasting memorial, and of more interest, a formula that was individualized based upon age and length of detention that would take into account different factors that applied to those who were detained. All of those alternatives were resisted and indeed rejected by the proponents of this legislation, and therefore, we find ourselves tonight facing, an arbitrary formula, one which to me does not really address the differences in the level of need and wrong done to different people. - It is ironic to me that many of my friends have said the money does not matter, but at this point, Mr. Speaker, I think the money does matter. I think that we should not pass this legislation on waves of emotionalism, but on sound reason, and for that reason- I intend to vote "no" and I would urge my colleagues to do so as well. Mr: FRANK. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Hawaii [Mr. Akaka] and I do so for sound reasons on behalf of this sound and reasonable bill. .. Mr^AKAJgA. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time. Mr. Speaker, I would like to commend the House and Senate conferees for their diligence and determination to complete the conference report on HR. 442, the Civil Liberties Act of 1987. As you know, on September 17, 1987, the House of Representatives voted in support of this legislation. The Senate followed with passage of S. 1009, a companion bill, on April 20, 1988. The conference report before us today is a compromise which will begin to address the grave injustice committed against those Japanese Americans who were interned and the Aleuts who were relocated from the Aleutian and Pribilof Islands during World War IL The conference report extends a formal apology to the more than 120,000 Americans of Japanese ancestry, including at least 1,000 Japanese Americans from Hawaii, who were interned and deprived of their civil liberties. It also authorizes $1.25 billion in reparations to the Japanese Americans living on the date of enactment. On December 1982, the Commission on Wartime Relocation and Internment of Civilians issued their report, "Personal Justice Denied." The Commission found that the evacuation and- relocation of Japanese Americans was a "grave injustice" caused by "race prejudice, war hysteria and a failure of political leadership." Since that time Congress has deliberated long and hard on this issue. The time has come for Government to recognize its mistake and provide those interned with just compensation. I know my colleagues will support this bill. The laws of this country are based on a simple premise, "innocent until proven guilty" However, this basic law was violated when Japanese Americans were relocated and interned. These Americans of Japanese ancestry were "guilty until proven innocent." They were denied their liberty and property without due process of law, a violation of their constitutional right. We'cannot ignore this travesty of justice. I strongly support passage of the. conference report; it is a compromise which deserves the fun support of the House of Representatives. Passage of this legislation will provide a long overdue apology and a token restitution; it demands our support. _Mr. SWTNDALL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself sucflftime as I may consume. First of all, Mr. Speaker, let me say that L differ, with, some of my colleagues with respect to what this bill is all about. This bill is not about Japanese-Americans. This bill is about the Constitution of the United States of America. This bill is about what each and every one of us does as our first official act when we walk into this Chamber. We raise our right hand and we take an oath of office that says that we will uphold and defend the Constitution. The Constitution was not enacted in this country until such time as we ratified 10 very fundamental articles. The fifth amendment to the Constitution is what specifically this bill is all about. The fifth amendment says no person can be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law. We are a nation not of men but of laws. What does that mean? What it means, in simple terms, is what thousands of young children see every day when they walk across the street and look up at the facade of the Supreme Court and see the words- inscribed, "Equal Justice Under tnfr Law." It is what young children see when they see the statute that has come to symbolize our system of justice-where Lady Justice is blind, colorblind;-blind in terms of country of natural origin. What really perturbs me as 1 look at this bill is many people are making the same mistake that I made when I first heard this bill argued. We are-making the mistake of looking at it and saying this is the ethnocentric bill, this is a bill about how macho we are, this is a bill about how American we are. It had nothing to do with that, and I do not think I really understood that and
Object Description
Title | August 3, 1988 |
Description | A collection of government documents is presented. In more specific, Congressional records from April 3, 1988 |
Subjects | Redress and reparations |
Type | image |
Genre | Government record |
Language | eng |
Collection | Hirasuna Family Papers |
Collection Description | 15 items |
Project Name | California State University Japanese American Digitization Project |
Rights | Rights not yet transferred |
Description
Local ID | csufr_hfp_0860 |
Project ID | csufr_hfp_0860 |
Title | Page 4 |
Creator | Unknown |
Date Created | 1988 - 08 - 03 |
Subjects | Redress and reparations |
Type | image |
Genre | Government record |
Language | eng |
Collection | Hirasuna Family Papers |
Collection Description | 8.37 x 10.90in |
Rights | Rights not yet transferred |
Transcript | August 3, 1988 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — HOUSE H6263 (Mr. SHTJMWAY. asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.) Mr. SHTJMWAY.. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to the conference report, and in doing so I realize that my postion here tonight is going to be a minority view. The bill will pass when the vote is taken to-- morrow. It will be signed by the President. This measure will become the law. But nevertheless, I feel that I must speak out and at least express the reasons that I have used to come to the particular conclusion that I have come to. It seems- to me that to support this bill, in good faith, one must find a cause and effect relationship, and I simply cannot find it. I have searched desperately.. I cannot recall another bill that we have considered in recent years that I have given as much.study to as I have this bill. I have done that because I have among my constituents . in California many people who are vitally affected by this bill, very interested in it. I have done it because I have colleagues here, notably my good friend, the gentleman from California, Mrc_BjJB_MATSpT, who have urged me to~cohsider~ my'position and who have given me some very thought-provoking reasons to do so. I have studied it because I have read books that have been supplied to me, one of them bv John Tateishi called "And Justice for All!' containing some very touching stories about those who were kept in these camps. I really do not have any quarrel with the facts. There was a serious wrong done to many good American citizens, and there are some resulting emotional scars. I can feel the hurt many of the Japanese-Americans feel today and will describe during this debate. But I_ do nqtsee_jjle__jemedyj_fjag payment of $20,000, as the right. an"Swer_rtQ3he_. equation. Search my conscience and the facts as I might, I simply do not find the justification for that. This payment will go to some who suffered great harm and, therefore, the payment of $20,000 would be but a token payment to them. It will, go to some who suffered very little harm, and to those for whom maybe it will be nothing more than a windfalL It will go to some who made claims under claims statutes in prior years and received payment from the U.S.. Government in return for which they signed full releases of any further liability. It will go to some who perhaps had greater allegiance to Japan during those difficult war years. In spite of these differences in status, the proponents say that we must pay a lump sum to all to address the wrong, that this is the only fair, the only just way to proceed,, and they say that this bill, by doing so, reflects our sensitivity to that wrong. Mr. Speaker, it is at this point that I think the cause and effect relationship really breaks down. tj>imply__cannot. match that prQclaimerisensitiv4ty~with- -frie very arhitrarv-^nlri. mefhanistic formula contained in r.hfe hiTC Those two tnihgs just do not jibe and equate, and they do not properly recognize the nature of the wrong. In my view there are other, more ap_- propriate ways to redress the wrong, done to loyalAmerican citizens, and I offered some alternatives during the debate, including the granting of scholarships, perhaps a lasting memorial, and of more interest, a formula that was individualized based upon age and length of detention that would take into account different factors that applied to those who were detained. All of those alternatives were resisted and indeed rejected by the proponents of this legislation, and therefore, we find ourselves tonight facing, an arbitrary formula, one which to me does not really address the differences in the level of need and wrong done to different people. - It is ironic to me that many of my friends have said the money does not matter, but at this point, Mr. Speaker, I think the money does matter. I think that we should not pass this legislation on waves of emotionalism, but on sound reason, and for that reason- I intend to vote "no" and I would urge my colleagues to do so as well. Mr: FRANK. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Hawaii [Mr. Akaka] and I do so for sound reasons on behalf of this sound and reasonable bill. .. Mr^AKAJgA. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time. Mr. Speaker, I would like to commend the House and Senate conferees for their diligence and determination to complete the conference report on HR. 442, the Civil Liberties Act of 1987. As you know, on September 17, 1987, the House of Representatives voted in support of this legislation. The Senate followed with passage of S. 1009, a companion bill, on April 20, 1988. The conference report before us today is a compromise which will begin to address the grave injustice committed against those Japanese Americans who were interned and the Aleuts who were relocated from the Aleutian and Pribilof Islands during World War IL The conference report extends a formal apology to the more than 120,000 Americans of Japanese ancestry, including at least 1,000 Japanese Americans from Hawaii, who were interned and deprived of their civil liberties. It also authorizes $1.25 billion in reparations to the Japanese Americans living on the date of enactment. On December 1982, the Commission on Wartime Relocation and Internment of Civilians issued their report, "Personal Justice Denied." The Commission found that the evacuation and- relocation of Japanese Americans was a "grave injustice" caused by "race prejudice, war hysteria and a failure of political leadership." Since that time Congress has deliberated long and hard on this issue. The time has come for Government to recognize its mistake and provide those interned with just compensation. I know my colleagues will support this bill. The laws of this country are based on a simple premise, "innocent until proven guilty" However, this basic law was violated when Japanese Americans were relocated and interned. These Americans of Japanese ancestry were "guilty until proven innocent." They were denied their liberty and property without due process of law, a violation of their constitutional right. We'cannot ignore this travesty of justice. I strongly support passage of the. conference report; it is a compromise which deserves the fun support of the House of Representatives. Passage of this legislation will provide a long overdue apology and a token restitution; it demands our support. _Mr. SWTNDALL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself sucflftime as I may consume. First of all, Mr. Speaker, let me say that L differ, with, some of my colleagues with respect to what this bill is all about. This bill is not about Japanese-Americans. This bill is about the Constitution of the United States of America. This bill is about what each and every one of us does as our first official act when we walk into this Chamber. We raise our right hand and we take an oath of office that says that we will uphold and defend the Constitution. The Constitution was not enacted in this country until such time as we ratified 10 very fundamental articles. The fifth amendment to the Constitution is what specifically this bill is all about. The fifth amendment says no person can be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law. We are a nation not of men but of laws. What does that mean? What it means, in simple terms, is what thousands of young children see every day when they walk across the street and look up at the facade of the Supreme Court and see the words- inscribed, "Equal Justice Under tnfr Law." It is what young children see when they see the statute that has come to symbolize our system of justice-where Lady Justice is blind, colorblind;-blind in terms of country of natural origin. What really perturbs me as 1 look at this bill is many people are making the same mistake that I made when I first heard this bill argued. We are-making the mistake of looking at it and saying this is the ethnocentric bill, this is a bill about how macho we are, this is a bill about how American we are. It had nothing to do with that, and I do not think I really understood that and |